Preview (8 of 26 pages)

Preview Extract

This Document Contains Chapters 9 to 10 Chapter 9—Social Segmentation and Linguistic Variation: Class and Race MULTIPLE CHOICE. Choose the one option that best completes the statement or answers the question. 1. How are class systems different from caste systems? A. Classes are usually named and recognized by members of the society. B. Classes are structured according to economic, political, and social factors. C. Classes are assigned to people based on birth criteria. D. People can never change their social class. E. All of the above. Answer: B 2. The textbook describes the __________ variation across different castes in Khalapur, India. A. phonological B. morphological C. syntactic D. pragmatic E. all of the above Answer: A 3. Which statement below describes the language attitudes of the people of Khalapur, India? A. People in the higher castes think their own variety sounds ignorant. B. People in the higher castes think the variety spoken by the lower castes sounds sophisticated. C. People in the lower castes think their own variety sounds ignorant. D. People in the lower castes think the variety spoken by the higher castes sounds ignorant. E. People in both higher and lower castes accept each other’s languages varieties without stigma. Answer: C 4. What makes a social network different from a social class? A. Social networks are mapped onto larger social groups. B. Social networks are used to delineate people based on economic factors. C. Social network systems are based on division and inequality. D. Social networks are based on interpersonal interaction. E. Social networks tend to have more internal linguistic variation. Answer: D 5. According to Milroy and Milroy (1992), which social group is likely to be a part of a close-knit social network? A. the upper class B. the middle class C. the lower class D. the young E. the elderly Answer: C 6. Why do stigmatized language varieties persist despite discrimination? A. because languages and language varieties tend not to change over time B. because people in weak social networks become educated in a stigmatized variety C. because people in close-knit social networks become educated in a stigmatized variety D. because weak social networks have significant community pressure and strong interpersonal bonds E. because close-knit social networks have significant community pressure and strong interpersonal bonds Answer: E 7. What linguistic variable did Labov (1966) examine in his famous study of language variation in New York City? A. allomorphs of the past tense morpheme B. postvocalic /r/ C. the use of the passive voice D. question formation E. aspirated /p/ Answer: B 8. When were Labov’s (1966) participants most likely to use the most standard language forms? A. when reading stories B. when speaking carefully C. when reading word lists D. when having casual conversation E. when reading minimal pairs Answer: E 9. In Labov’s 1972 study, which social group reacted most negatively to the nonstandard pronunciations of /t/? A. the lower class B. the working class C. the lower middle class D. the upper middle class E. none of the above: all social groups evaluated the nonstandard pronunciation of /t/ positively Answer: D 10. Which of the options below was one of the linguistic variables that Trudgill (1974) examined in Norwich, England? A. allomorphs of the past tense morpheme B. the use of the passive voice C. the use of the progressive morpheme –in instead of -ing D. question formation E. aspirated /p/ Answer: C 11. Which statement below describes the findings from van de Broeck’s 1977 study of syntactic variation in Belguim? A. Working class speakers used simpler syntax in formal situations than informal situations. B. Working class speakers used more complicated syntax in formal situations than informal situations. C. Middle class speakers used more complicated syntax in informal situations than formal situations. D. Syntactic complexity did not change for middle class speakers in formal and informal situations. E. Syntactic complexity did not change for working class speakers in formal and informal situations. Answer: A 12. According to Bernstein (1971), which social group uses an “elaborated” code? A. the upper class B. the middle class C. the working class D. the young E. the elderly Answer: B 13. Huls (1989) compared two Dutch families and found that the linguistic practices of the higher class family better prepared the children for the linguistic practices found in __________ in particular. A. small talk B. interpersonal relationships C. sports teams D. school E. all of the above Answer: D 14. Which of the following options is a phonological feature of African-American Vernacular English? A. adding consonants word-finally B. adding consonants word-initially C. reducing word-final consonant clusters D. reducing word-initial consonant clusters E. inserting /r/ between vowels Answer: C 15. Which option below is least likely to be omitted by speakers of African-American Vernacular English? A. the /d/ in the word waved B. the /t/ in the word fast C. the third-person singular suffix –s D. the possessive marker –s E. the plural marker –s Answer: E 16. In which of the following sentences could the copula be deleted in African-American Vernacular English? A. I heard she is really nice. B. He teacher. C. There she is. D. The he goes. E. We want that. Answer: D 17. The use of the invariant be in African-American Vernacular English marks events that happen A. habitually. B. occasionally. C. very rarely. D. during old age. E. during childhood. Answer: A 18. One of Edwards’ (1992) findings was that use of African-American Vernacular English in Detroit was correlated with A. the gender of the speaker. B. how involved speakers were with their community. C. the socioeconomic class of the speaker. D. the speaker’s level of education. E. all of the above. Answer: B 19. In 1996, the Oakland, California school board proposed that schools in the district should A. hire dialect coaches to reduce the features of African-American Vernacular English used by students. B. ban the use of African-American Vernacular English in the classroom. C. launch a series of studies to examine the ways African-American Vernacular English was used at school. D. teach African-American Vernacular English to students who did not speak it. E. use African-American Vernacular English in the classroom to support the development of Standard English. Answer: E 20. There is a variety of English spoken in London that is very heavily influenced by Jamaican Creole. This variety of English is known as A. Afro-Caribbean London English B. Jamaican English C. London Jamaican D. English Creole E. London English Answer: C IDENTIFICATION/SHORT ANSWER. Write the word or phrase that best completes each statement or answers the question. 21. Social stratification means _________. Answer: a society is structured hierarchically to reflect social inequalities 22. According to Labov (1972), members of the ___________ class are most sensitive about the possibility of their speech being evaluated negatively and want to use prestige forms the most. Answer: lower middle 23. Some of Labov’s (1972) participants were especially sensitive about the possibility of their speech being evaluated negatively and were very concerned with using prestige forms. Labov referred to this sensitivity as ___________. Answer: linguistic insecurity 24. Lindenfeld’s 1969 study of linguistic variation in France demonstrated that syntactic complexity is based on both ___________ and ___________. Answer: degree of formality; social class 25. According to Bernstein (1971), working class speakers use a ___________ code, which relies heavily on context-bound words that assume shared knowledge between interlocutors. Answer: “restricted” 26. Speakers of AAVE can delete the copula in a sentence anywhere where it can be __________ in other varieties of English. Answer: contracted 27. The linguistic phenomenon in which speakers overextend the rules of the standard variety in ways not used by the speakers of that standard variety is known as ___________. Answer: hypercorrection 28. The use of the aspectual steady in African-American Vernacular English emphasizes ___________. Answer: consistent continuation of an event 29. Nelson (1990) found that women in her study switched from Standard English to African-American Vernacular English at certain points in her interviews in order to ___________. Answer: display solidarity/emphasize community membership/establish rapport 30. Nichols (1983) found that linguistic style in African-American communities on the South Carolina coast was primarily influenced by __________, ___________, and ___________. Answer: employment; gender; age TRUE/FALSE. Write ‘T’ if the statement is true and ‘F’ if the statement is false. 31. Nonstandard language varieties are typically not rule-governed. Answer: False 32. Van de Broeck (1977) suggests that working class Dutch speakers move away from prestige norms in formal situations because they recognize their lack of sociolinguistic power. Answer: True 33. African-American Vernacular English has many more ways to mark grammatical aspect than Standard English does. Answer: True 34. Collins (1996) found that teachers tended to correct the speech of AAVE-speaking children who were high-level readers more than children who were low-level readers. Answer: False 35. Most speakers of African-American Vernacular English are not able to switch between AAVE and Standard English. Answer: False ESSAY. Write a well-organized essay of [will vary: between 50–100 words] for each of the questions below. Make sure your essay has an introductory and concluding sentence and evidence from class to back up your points as necessary. 36. Describe the methodology and findings of Labov’s studies of class-based linguistic variation in New York City. Answer: William Labov's studies of class-based linguistic variation in New York City were pioneering in sociolinguistics, focusing on how language varies across social classes. Here's an overview of the methodology and findings of his research: Methodology: 1. Sampling: • Labov selected a sample of speakers from different socioeconomic backgrounds in New York City. He aimed to include individuals from working-class, middle-class, and upper-class communities. 2. Data Collection: • He conducted interviews and recorded naturalistic speech from his participants. • Labov used a variety of speech tasks and elicitation techniques to capture spontaneous language use, including reading passages, telling narratives, and engaging in casual conversation. 3. Quantitative Analysis: • Labov analyzed the data quantitatively, focusing on specific linguistic variables that were known to vary across social classes. • He examined phonological features (such as pronunciation of vowels and consonants), grammatical features (such as verb forms and syntactic structures), and lexical features (such as word choice and slang usage). 4. Social Correlates: • Alongside linguistic analysis, Labov also gathered information about the social backgrounds of his participants, including their occupation, education level, and neighborhood of residence. • This allowed him to correlate linguistic variation with social class indicators. Findings: 1. Variable Rules: • Labov identified that certain linguistic features were variable among speakers, meaning individuals from different social classes used these features in different frequencies or contexts. • For example, he found variation in the pronunciation of vowels in words like "cot" and "caught" (the cot-caught merger) and in the use of post-vocalic /r/ (as in "car" or "party"). 2. Social Stratification: • There was a clear pattern of social stratification in linguistic variation. Working-class speakers tended to use more non-standard linguistic features compared to middle-class and upper-class speakers. • Middle-class speakers showed some variation but generally adhered more closely to standard linguistic norms. 3. Linguistic Change: • Labov's research contributed to understanding how linguistic change happens over time. He observed that linguistic innovations often start in lower socio-economic groups and may gradually spread to other social classes. 4. Community of Practice: • Labov emphasized the role of community of practice in shaping linguistic variation. Speakers adopt linguistic norms and styles that are associated with their social networks and communities. Impact: • Labov's studies demonstrated that language variation is systematic and socially patterned, challenging earlier views that non-standard speech forms were simply "errors" or signs of linguistic deficiency. • His research provided empirical evidence for the correlation between linguistic variation and social factors such as class, influencing subsequent sociolinguistic research and theories. In summary, William Labov's methodology involved careful sampling, detailed linguistic analysis, and correlation with social variables to explore class-based linguistic variation in New York City. His findings contributed significantly to our understanding of how language reflects and reinforces social identities and structures. 37. Describe Hoover’s 1978 study of complex attitudes toward African-American Vernacular English and discuss her findings. Answer: Hoover's 1978 study examined complex attitudes toward African-American Vernacular English (AAVE) through a detailed sociolinguistic analysis. Here's an overview of her methodology and key findings: Methodology: 1. Sampling: • Hoover selected a diverse sample of participants from different racial and socioeconomic backgrounds in a mid-sized city in the United States. • Her sample included African Americans, European Americans, and individuals from various social classes. 2. Data Collection: • She conducted interviews and administered questionnaires to gather data on participants' attitudes towards AAVE. • Hoover used both qualitative methods (such as open-ended interviews and participant observations) and quantitative methods (like Likert-scale surveys) to capture a range of perspectives. 3. Analysis: • Hoover analyzed the data thematically to identify recurring themes and patterns in participants' attitudes towards AAVE. • She examined both explicit statements and implicit attitudes expressed by participants towards the language variety. Findings: 1. Positive Attitudes: • Hoover found that many African American participants viewed AAVE positively, considering it a legitimate and expressive form of communication. • They valued AAVE for its cultural authenticity and its role in fostering solidarity within the African American community. 2. Negative Attitudes: • European American participants, on the other hand, often held negative attitudes towards AAVE. • They viewed it as inferior or incorrect compared to Standard American English (SAE), associating it with stereotypes of low education or social status. 3. Complexity of Attitudes: • Hoover highlighted the complexity of attitudes towards AAVE within and between racial groups. • Some African Americans expressed ambivalence, acknowledging the stigma associated with AAVE in broader society while also valuing it as part of their cultural heritage. • Some European Americans recognized the legitimacy of AAVE in certain contexts but still preferred SAE as the standard for formal communication. 4. Social Context: • Attitudes towards AAVE were strongly influenced by social context and perceptions of status and identity. • Hoover observed that individuals often adjusted their language use based on the social setting, reflecting awareness of linguistic variation and its social implications. Impact: • Hoover's study provided nuanced insights into the attitudes towards AAVE, challenging simplistic notions of linguistic prestige and correctness. • Her findings contributed to understanding how language attitudes are shaped by social factors such as race, class, and community identity. • The study underscored the importance of considering linguistic diversity and cultural perspectives in discussions of language variation and education policy. In summary, Hoover's study of attitudes towards African-American Vernacular English highlighted the complexity of perceptions and values associated with this linguistic variety among different social and racial groups. 38. Describe Edwards’ (1992) examination of AAVE use in an African-American Detroit neighborhood. Explain the factors that determine how often people us AAVE in that community. Answer: Edwards (1992) examined AAVE use in an African-American Detroit neighborhood in the following ways: 1. Community Structure: The social structure of the neighborhood influenced how AAVE was used. 2. Social Networks: Interactions within social networks determined the frequency of AAVE use. 3. Identity and Solidarity: AAVE was used to express identity and solidarity within the community. 4. Age and Generation: Younger generations tended to use AAVE more frequently than older generations. 5. Contextual Factors: AAVE use varied depending on the context and setting of interactions. 6. Attitudes towards Language: Positive attitudes towards AAVE encouraged its frequent use. 7. Education and Employment: AAVE use differed based on individuals' education and employment backgrounds. 8. Cultural and Historical Factors: Historical and cultural influences shaped AAVE usage patterns in the community. 39. Describe Nichols’ (1983) investigation of what causes African-Americans on the South Carolina coast to choose to use standard or nonstandard language varieties. Explain the factors that determine language use in that community. Answer: Nichols (1983) investigated language use among African-Americans on the South Carolina coast, focusing on factors influencing the choice between standard and nonstandard language varieties: 1. Social Status: Higher social status individuals tend to use standard language varieties more often. 2. Education Level: More educated individuals are inclined towards using standard language. 3. Occupation: Professionals and those in formal workplaces tend to use standard language varieties. 4. Audience: Language choice depends on the audience present (formal vs. informal settings). 5. Identity and Solidarity: Nonstandard varieties may be used to express identity and solidarity within the community. 6. Generational Influence: Younger generations may be more exposed to and use standard language due to educational opportunities. 7. Community Norms: Prevailing community norms and values influence language choice. 8. Historical Context: Historical factors, such as segregation and educational access, play a role in language preference. 40. Explain the Oakland, California school board’s decision regarding AAVE in 1996. Describe the arguments for and against that decision. Answer: Oakland, California School Board Decision (1996): Decision: The Oakland School Board recognized AAVE (African-American Vernacular English) as a valid language variety and adopted it for use in classrooms. Arguments For the Decision: 1. Linguistic Validity: AAVE is a legitimate language variety with its own grammatical rules and structures. 2. Cultural Relevance: Acknowledging AAVE respects and validates the cultural heritage of African-American students. 3. Improving Communication: Using AAVE can facilitate better communication and understanding between teachers and students. 4. Boosting Self-Esteem: Students may feel more confident and engaged when their language and cultural background are recognized and respected. Arguments Against the Decision: 1. Standard English Proficiency: Learning and using Standard English is crucial for academic and professional success. 2. Perpetuation of Linguistic Division: Using AAVE in classrooms might reinforce linguistic divisions and hinder students from mastering Standard English. 3. Employment and Academic Preparedness: Proficiency in Standard English is necessary for higher education and future employment opportunities. 4. Educational Standards: Using AAVE may lower educational standards and expectations for students. Overall, the decision was controversial, balancing the recognition of linguistic diversity and cultural identity against concerns about educational outcomes and language proficiency. Chapter 10—Language and Gender MULTIPLE CHOICE. Choose the one option that best completes the statement or answers the question. 1. In Fischer’s (1958) study of phonological variation, which group was most likely to pronounce the progressive morpheme –ing as –in? A. girls B. teachers C. parents D. boys E. babies Answer: D 2. The findings of Levine and Crockett’s (1967) study of white speakers in North Carolina suggest that A. men have greater sensitivity to prestige norms than women. B. women have greater sensitivity to prestige norms than men. C. men use /r/ more than women when they are reading sentences. D. women use /r/ more than men when they are reading sentences. E. men use /r/ more than women when they are reading carefully. Answer: B 3. What feature of intonation is generally considered to be more masculine? A. noticeable shifts in volume B. a wide range of pitches C. a narrow range of pitches D. frequent shifts in velocity E. Both A and B Answer: C 4. What type of intonation pattern is found more often in sentences spoken by women than men? A. raising the pitch at the end of a sentence B. raising the pitch at the beginning of a sentence C. lowering the pitch at the end of a sentence D. lowering the pitch at the beginning of a sentence E. lowering the pitch in the middle of a sentence Answer: A 5. Cameron’s research on tag questions suggests that ___________ may be a more significant factor in determining tag question use than gender. A. age B. power C. socioeconomic class D. ethnicity E. race Answer: B 6. The studies of talkativeness described in the textbook have found that A. young men talk more than older men. B. young women talk more than older women. C. men and women talk the same amount. D. men talk more than women. E. women talk more than men. Answer: D 7. Sattel (1983) asserts that men use silence in discussion of emotions in order to A. maintain and assert power. B. make it appear that they are cool and rational. C. share their interactional power with women by letting women express themselves. D. both A and B. E. both B and C. Answer: D 8. Zimmerman and West (1975) found that ___________ in same-sex interactions. A. men interrupted each other more than women did B. women interrupted each other more than men did C. men did not interrupt each other D. women did not interrupt each other E. men and women interrupted each other about the same amount Answer: E 9. Zimmerman and West (1975) found that ___________ in cross-sex interactions. A. men and women interrupted each other about the same amount B. most interruptions were initiated by women C. most interruptions were initiated by men D. men did not interrupt E. women did not interrupt Answer: C 10. What did Fishman (1983) discover about gender differences in topic initiation? A. Women initiated more topics but men’s topics were more often accepted. B. Women initiated more topics, and their topics were more likely to be accepted. C. Men initiated more topics, but women’s topics were more often accepted. D. Men initiated more topics, and their topics were more likely to be accepted. E. Men and women initiated an equal number of topics. Answer: A 11. The studies of the use of feminine language forms in Japanese indicate that A. women are starting to use more feminine forms in their speech. B. younger women are using more masculine forms than older women. C. there are no longer any differences between the language forms used by women and men. D. older men are starting to use more feminine language forms than younger men. E. lower middle class women use more masculine forms than women in other classes. Answer: B 12. Which statement below describes gender differences in Javanese? A. Men use polite language in public ceremonies. B. Men can address their wives by nicknames but women address their husbands as “older brother.” C. Men interpret women’s style of speech to indicate low status in the family. D. Women use polite language in the home. E. All of the above. Answer: E 13. Which of the following pairs of words is an exception to the patterns normally found in word pairs for men and women? A. male and female B. man and woman C. he and she D. bride and groom E. husband and wife Answer: D 14. The reason that gay men’s voices can be determined on audio tape A. is that testosterone levels vary widely amongst gay men. B. is that gay men use a wider pitch range and varied their pitch changes more frequently. C. is that gay men use a wider vocal range and varied their pitch changes more frequently. D. is that gay men use a narrower pitch range and varied their pitch changes more frequently. E. is that gay men use a narrower pitch range and varied their pitch changes less frequently. Answer: B 15. Which word below has undergone semantic derogation? A. hussy B. whore C. mistress D. dame E. all of the above Answer: E 16. Which verb below is generally restricted to actions done by females? A. yell B. talk C. shriek D. laugh E. walk Answer: C 17. Before the eighteenth century, people used ___________ to refer to a person without mentioning a specific gender. A. the generic “he” B. the pronoun they C. the pronoun s/he D. the construction he or she E. the pronoun you Answer: B 18. In a study of the generic “he,” MacKay (1983) found that A. both men and women usually interpreted sentences with the generic “he” to refer only to males. B. women rarely interpreted sentences with the generic “he” to refer only to males. C. only men interpreted sentences with the generic “he” to refer only to males. D. only men interpreted sentences with the generic “he” to refer to both males and females. E. both men and women usually interpreted sentences with the generic “he” to refer to males and females equally. Answer: A 19. In Spanish, when feminine suffixes are added to some masculine occupational terms, the resulting word refers to ___________. A. a female practitioner of that profession B. a promiscuous woman C. the mother of a man in that profession D. an unmarried woman practicing that profession E. the wife of a man in that profession Answer: E 20. Which language used to employ a different prefix to refer to women who were in their childbearing years? A. English B. Russian C. Mohawk D. Spanish E. French Answer: C IDENTIFICATION/SHORT ANSWER. Write the word or phrase that best completes each statement or answers the question. 21. Men model their language toward nonstandard forms that have ___________ prestige. Answer: covert 22. Women model their language toward standard forms that have ___________ prestige. Answer: overt 23. Holmes (1984) found that men used more ___________ tag questions to request information than women did. Answer: modal 24. Holmes (1984) found that women used more ___________ tag questions than men in order to engage the addressee in conversation. Answer: affective 25. In the Indian language Kũrux, there are different language forms that are used depending on whether the interactions are ___________ or ___________. Answer: same-sex; cross-sex/between men; between women 26. Women have been found to use more ___________ such as very, so, or extremely. Answer: intensifiers 27. Women have been found to use more ___________ such as wonderful and lovely. Answer: “empty” adjectives 28. DeFrancisco (1998) reports that when men do not respond to their wives, the wives either ___________ or ___________. Answer: fall silent; introduce another topic 29. According to Fishman (1983), men’s minimal responses in conversation tended to occur ___________. Answer: at the end of a woman’s turn 30. The process through which the meanings of words change to become more negative is known as ___________. Answer: semantic derogation TRUE/FALSE. Write ‘T’ if the statement is true and ‘F’ if the statement is false. 31. The notion of linguistic insecurity that is applied to members of the lower middle class can also be applied to men. Answer: False 32. In some languages, there are different pronunciations that are used only by women. Answer: True 33. Listeners can determine gay versus straight just by listening to verbal speech recordings in many cases. It is now well known what the cues are that lead listeners to their decisions. Answer: False 34. In a study of interruptions, Woods (1988) discovered that social status was a more significant factor than gender in determining who interrupts whom. Answer: False 35. Words referring to men have not undergone the same kind of semantic derogation that words referring to women have. Answer: True ESSAY. Write a well-organized essay of [will vary: between 50–100 words] for each of the questions below. Make sure your essay has an introductory and concluding sentence and evidence from class to back up your points as necessary. 36. Define the concepts of linguistic insecurity, overt prestige, and covert prestige. Explain how these concepts are connected to language and gender. Answer: Here's a concise explanation: 1. Linguistic insecurity: • Definition: A feeling of unease or lack of confidence about one's own language use, often stemming from the perception that certain dialects or accents are less prestigious. • Connection to gender: Can affect individuals of any gender, but historically marginalized genders may experience it more due to societal norms around language use. 2. Overt prestige: • Definition: High status or respect given to standard forms of language associated with educated or dominant social groups. • Connection to gender: Often associated with masculine norms in language, where conformity to standard forms is rewarded with social approval. 3. Covert prestige: • Definition: Status or respect given to non-standard or dialectal forms of language within specific social groups. • Connection to gender: Can be associated with feminine norms in language, where solidarity and identification with a particular group may lead to the adoption of non-standard forms. Connection to language and gender: • These concepts illustrate how language use can reflect and perpetuate gender norms and power dynamics. • Linguistic insecurity may lead individuals to modify their speech to conform to overt prestige norms associated with masculinity. • Conversely, covert prestige may provide a sense of identity and community for those who identify with non-standard forms, which can be influenced by gendered expectations and roles. 37. Explain the difference between modal and affective tags and discuss the connection between gender, power, and types of tag questions. Answer: Sure, here are the key points: 1. Modal Tags: • Function: Seek confirmation or agreement about the likelihood or possibility of something. • Examples: "You haven't seen this movie, have you?" "She can speak French, can't she?" • Connection to Gender and Power: Often used more by men in authoritative positions to assert control or seek affirmation. 2. Affective Tags: • Function: Express emotions, seek empathy, or manage social interactions. • Examples: "That was a great movie, wasn't it?" "You had a good time, didn't you?" • Connection to Gender and Power: More commonly used by women or those in less authoritative positions to soften statements and seek agreement. 3. Connection Between Gender, Power, and Tag Questions: • Gender: Men tend to use modal tags more assertively, reflecting dominance in conversation. Women often use affective tags to maintain social harmony and seek rapport. • Power Dynamics: Modal tags can assert dominance or authority, while affective tags can be perceived as more supportive or inviting agreement. • Social Perception: Use of different tag types can reinforce or challenge traditional gender roles and power dynamics in conversations. 38. Explain Tannen’s (1986, 1990) theory to explain why men and women have different conversational styles and describe the critiques of her theory. Answer: Deborah Tannen's theory, as outlined in her works such as "You Just Don't Understand" (1990) and "That's Not What I Meant!" (1986), explores how men and women often have different conversational styles due to their socialization and communication goals. Here's an overview of her theory and some critiques: Tannen's Theory: 1. Difference in Communication Goals: • Tannen argues that men and women have different overarching goals in communication. Men typically engage in conversation to establish and maintain dominance, negotiate status, and convey information. Women, on the other hand, focus more on building and maintaining relationships, seeking connection and support through conversation. 2. Styles of Speaking: • Men: Tend to use conversation as a means to impart information, assert their knowledge or authority, and engage in competitive verbal interactions. • Women: Often use conversation to create rapport, show empathy, and maintain social relationships. They may seek consensus and avoid direct confrontation. 3. Conversational Strategies: • Tannen identifies specific strategies that men and women employ differently: • Interrupting: Men may interrupt more frequently as a way to assert dominance or control the flow of conversation. Women may interrupt less or in ways that show support or agreement. • Giving Advice: Men may offer solutions or advice directly, viewing it as a way to demonstrate competence. Women may offer advice more indirectly or framed as suggestions to maintain rapport. 4. Understanding Miscommunications: • Tannen suggests that miscommunications often arise because men and women interpret conversational cues differently. For example, a woman seeking support may feel dismissed if a man offers a solution instead of empathy. Critiques of Tannen's Theory: 1. Overgeneralization: • Critics argue that Tannen's theory relies heavily on stereotypical assumptions about gender and may not account for variations within genders or cultural differences. 2. Limited Scope of Research: • Some researchers contend that Tannen's studies were based largely on observations and interviews rather than rigorous empirical research, which could limit the generalizability of her findings. 3. Simplification of Gender Differences: • Tannen's theory has been criticized for oversimplifying complex interactions and reducing them to binary gender differences, which may overlook the influence of other factors such as personality, context, and individual communication styles. 4. Cultural and Contextual Factors: • Critics argue that Tannen's theory may not apply universally across all cultures or contexts, as communication styles can vary significantly based on cultural norms, socioeconomic status, and other contextual factors. In summary, while Tannen's theory has contributed to our understanding of gendered communication patterns, it has also faced scrutiny for its potential to reinforce stereotypes and its limited empirical basis. Researchers continue to explore how gender interacts with other factors to shape communication styles in diverse social contexts. 39. Describe the findings from Zimmerman and West’s (1975, 1983) and Woods’ (1988) studies examining the connection between gender and interruption. Answer: Here are the findings from Zimmerman and West (1975, 1983) and Woods (1988) regarding the connection between gender and interruption: Zimmerman and West (1975, 1983): 1. Findings: • Men interrupt more frequently than women in mixed-gender conversations. • Interruptions by men often assert dominance or control over the conversation. • Women tend to be interrupted more often than men, indicating a power dynamic favoring male speakers. 2. Patterns: • Men use interruptions to maintain the floor and assert authority. • Women's interruptions are often cooperative or supportive rather than competitive. Woods (1988): 1. Findings: • Women are more likely to use cooperative overlaps (joining the conversation without interrupting) compared to men. • Men tend to use competitive overlaps (interrupting to take control of the conversation) more frequently. • Contextual factors, such as the topic of conversation and social roles, influence interruption patterns. 2. Contextual Influence: • Interruption rates vary based on the setting and participants' familiarity with each other. • In professional settings, men may interrupt more to assert authority, while in informal settings, interruptions might be more balanced or context-dependent. These studies highlight consistent gender differences in interruption patterns, reflecting broader societal norms and power dynamics in communication contexts. 40. Explain how gender inequalities are reflected in German masculine and feminine nouns. Answer: Gender inequalities in German language, particularly in how masculine and feminine nouns are used and perceived, can be understood through several aspects: 1. Grammatical Gender Assignments: • German nouns are categorized into three grammatical genders: masculine, feminine, and neuter. The assignment of gender is often arbitrary and not based on biological sex. • There is a historical bias where certain professions or roles are predominantly assigned masculine gender nouns (e.g., der Arzt - doctor, traditionally masculine) while others are feminine (e.g., die Krankenschwester - nurse, traditionally feminine). 2. Occupational and Social Roles: • Many occupational titles in German have both masculine and feminine forms, often reflecting traditional gender roles. For example, "der Lehrer" (teacher, masculine) and "die Lehrerin" (teacher, feminine). • The predominance of masculine forms in certain professions can reinforce societal stereotypes and inequalities, as traditionally male-dominated fields may be linguistically represented as normative. 3. Linguistic Gender and Perception: • The grammatical gender of nouns in German can influence how individuals perceive gender roles and occupations. For instance, the use of masculine forms as generics (e.g., "Studenten" to refer to students) can imply that the default or normative representation is male. • This linguistic structure can perpetuate gender stereotypes and inequalities by subtly excluding or marginalizing women and non-binary individuals from linguistic representation. 4. Language Reform and Debates: • There have been ongoing discussions and efforts to promote gender-inclusive language in German, such as using gender-neutral forms (e.g., "Studierende" for students) or employing both masculine and feminine forms (e.g., "Lehrer/-in" or "Lehrerin"). • These reforms aim to challenge traditional gender norms embedded in language and promote linguistic equality by acknowledging and representing all genders. In summary, gender inequalities in German are reflected in the language's grammatical gender system, which often aligns with societal norms and stereotypes. Efforts to promote gender-inclusive language seek to address these inequalities by challenging linguistic conventions and promoting linguistic equality. Test Bank for Language, Culture, and Communication: The Meaning of Messages Nancy Bonvillain 9780205953561

Document Details

person
Charlotte Scott View profile
Close

Send listing report

highlight_off

You already reported this listing

The report is private and won't be shared with the owner

rotate_right
Close
rotate_right
Close

Send Message

image
Close

My favorites

image
Close

Application Form

image
Notifications visibility rotate_right Clear all Close close
image
image
arrow_left
arrow_right