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This Document Contains Chapters 3 to 4 Chapter 3—Language and Cultural Meaning MULTIPLE CHOICE. Choose the one option that best completes the statement or answers the question. 1. What did Edward Sapir investigate? A. how ancient texts reveal the worldviews of early civilizations B. how the vocabulary of a language influences its speakers’ view of the world C. how the grammatical structures of a language influence thought D. how pronunciations of certain words influence how a person sees the world E. how children in different cultures acquire their first language Answer: B 2. Benjamin Whorf investigated A. how ancient texts reveal the worldviews of early civilizations. B. how people learn a second language as adults. C. how the grammatical structures of a language influence thought. D. how pronunciations of certain words influence how a person sees the world. E. how a person’s language and worldview change after a traumatic brain injury. Answer: C 3. Who was the soviet linguist who was a contemporary of Sapir and Whorf and a supporter of the theory of linguistic relativity? A. Orlova B. Trubetskoy C. Jakobson D. Krushevksy E. Volosinov Answer: E 4. In order to investigate how language affects thought, it is vital that researchers A. conduct extensive studies on a single language. B. use anecdotal evidence from their own life experience. C. compare the linguistic structures and belief systems of different languages. D. analyze how certain phonemes are pronounced differently in different contexts. E. do extensive tests on their subjects’ brains before beginning any study. Answer: C 5. What is a major difference between the way Mandarin speakers and English speakers express concepts of time? A. Mandarin speakers express time in circular terms, whereas English speakers express time in terms of vertical space. B. Mandarin speakers commonly express time in terms of vertical space, whereas English speakers express time in terms of horizontal space. C. Mandarin speakers only express time in terms of horizontal space, whereas English speakers express time in circular terms. D. Mandarin speakers usually express time in terms of horizontal space, whereas English speakers express time in terms of vertical space. E. There is no major difference between the two languages because both languages express time in terms of vertical space. Answer: B 6. In Boroditsky’s (2001) study, what was the significant factor that determined the effect of English on native Mandarin speakers’ perception of time? A. age of acquisition B. the gender of the speaker C. length of exposure to English D. the number of languages the person spoke E. socioeconomic class Answer: A 7. Unconsciously carrying conversational inferences from a native language to a new language A. may result in intercultural miscommunications. B. helps people learn the new language more quickly. C. can help make intercultural interactions go smoothly. D. usually prevents learners from improving their pronunciations in the new language. E. may facilitate the acquisition of complex grammatical patterns. Answer: A 8. Which of the following lists of words provides an example of a semantic domain? A. dream, stream, ream, seam, beam B. arm, leg, head, chest, foot C. too, to, two D. mountain, desk, puppy, coffee, love E. tongue, cheek, teeth, arm Answer: B 9. What explains the fact that English has terms to differentiate horses and cattle on the basis of sex, age, and breed, but no common terms to differentiate other animals, such as chipmunks, in the same ways? A. English speakers talk about animals like chipmunks more often than animals such as horses and cattle. B. English-speaking societies have more cultural interest in horses and cattle than in chipmunks. C. English-speaking societies have more cultural interest in chipmunks than in horses and cattle. D. The English language has not yet changed to reflect modern day cultural interest in chipmunks. E. Some animals, like chipmunks, are hard to differentiate because scientists don’t know much about them. Answer: B 10. English speakers often use __________ to linguistically signal that a term is a member of a fuzzy category. A. questions B. affixes C. hedges D. allomorphs E. deictic terms Answer: C 11. Of the following which can be used to classify nouns into categories? A. gender relationships B. animate/inanimate distinctions C. SVO agreement D. OVS agreement E. fricative/generative agreement Answer: B 12. According to Berlin and Kay’s (1969) cross-linguistic study of color terms, if a language has only two color terms, what will they be? A. white and red B. yellow and blue C. black and grue D. pink and orange E. white and black Answer: E 13. According to Berlin and Kay’s (1969) cross-linguistic study of color terms, what will be the third color term a language has? A. red B. yellow C. green D. blue E. grue Answer: A 14. In semantic analyses, the term prototype means A. a group of vocabulary words with related meanings, such as kinship terms. B. an unstated comparison between entities or events that share certain features. C. a cultural model that affects communicative behavior. D. an idealized, internalized conceptualization of an object, quality, or activity. E. an object, quality, or activity that is on the boundary between two semantic categories. Answer: D 15. What are the three systems of coordination for expressing spatial relations? A. absolute, prototypical, and relative B. absolute, cultural, and prototypical C. absolute, relative, and deictic D. absolute, cultural, and deictic E. absolute, relative, and cultural Answer: C 16. Which of the sentences below demonstrates the use of an absolute system of coordination for spatial relations? A. The car is parked to the side of the restaurant. B. The car is parked in front of the restaurant. C. The car is parked to the right of the restaurant. D. The car is parked north of the restaurant. E. The car is parked behind the restaurant. Answer: D 17. People have cultural presuppositions about A. greetings. B. how conversations are structured. C. what arguments are like. D. teasing. E. how conversations should be structured. Answer: E 18. Which sentence below contains a conceptual metaphor that reveals how English speakers conceptualize time as a valuable commodity? A. I’ll meet you there in an hour. B. Thank you for spending time with me. C. The movie is two hours long. D. You should take a nap for a few minutes. E. I just saw him about thirty minutes ago. Answer: B 19. Which statement below is true of metaphors? A. Metaphors are used only in poetry and creative writing. B. English speakers never attribute animate or human qualities to non-living entities. C. Metaphors provide the basis for our conceptual systems. D. Metaphors are found only in English and a few other languages. E. English uses a metaphor that expresses negative things as “up.” Answer: C 20. Zapotec uses terms for ___________ to describe parts of any animate being or inanimate object. A. the human body B. geographic features C. kinship D. containers E. emotions Answer: A IDENTIFICATION/SHORT ANSWER. Write the word or phrase that best completes each statement or answers the question. 21. ___________ and ___________ were the two most influential linguistic anthropologists in the first half of the twentieth century. Answer: Edward Sapir; Benjamin Whorf 22. A group of words that share a core meaning related to a certain topic is known as a ___________. Answer: semantic domain 23. The procedure of ___________ is used to determine significant contrasts between related vocabulary words. Answer: componential analysis 24. ___________ categories are based on the idea that individual terms are in the category to a certain degree. Membership in these categories is often signaled in English by words such as sort of, somewhat, and loosely speaking. Answer: Fuzzy 25. The term __________ refers to the classification systems people construct to organize knowledge of the world. Answer: ethnoscience 26. Words may have a range of meanings, but a word’s primary sense is its __________. Answer: focal meaning 27. The ___________ system of spatial reference describes objects from the point of view of the speaker. Answer: deictic 28. People enter into interactions with a variety of ___________, or knowledge and understandings of their culture as expressed and transmitted through language. Answer: cultural presuppositions 29. The process of attributing animate attributes to inanimate objects is known as ___________. Answer: personification 30. In the sentence He likes to read Shakespeare, the author stands in for the plays he has written. This is an example of __________. Answer: metonymy TRUE/FALSE. Write ‘T’ if the statement is true and ‘F’ if the statement is false. 31. Cultural models can be expressed overtly through proverbs, myths, and legends, or covertly through interaction. Answer: True 32. Linguistic anthropologists agree that the language one speaks completely controls one’s thoughts. Answer: False 33. In most societies, cultural interests remain constant over time. Answer: False 34. When children are acquiring their first language, the language they are learning influences the way they think about spatial relations at a very young age. Answer: True 35. Advertisements often rely on cultural presuppositions to help sell their products. Answer: True ESSAY. Write a well-organized essay of [will vary: between 50–100 words] for each of the questions below. Make sure your essay has an introductory and concluding sentence and evidence from class to back up your points as necessary. 36. Explain the theory of linguistic relativity and describe how the grammatical differences between English and Hopi contribute to this theory. Answer: The theory of linguistic relativity suggests that the structure and vocabulary of a language can influence the way its speakers perceive and think about the world. English and Hopi illustrate this theory differently: 1. English: Focuses heavily on tense and temporal distinctions (past, present, future). This grammatical structure might lead English speakers to view time as linear and segmented. 2. Hopi: Lacks verb tenses in the same way English does. Instead, it uses verb aspects to convey the relationship of events to each other. This could lead Hopi speakers to have a more fluid or cyclic view of time, where events are interconnected rather than strictly linear. These differences in grammar suggest that speakers of each language may conceptualize time in distinct ways, supporting the theory of linguistic relativity. 37. Describe John Lucy’s (1996) experiments with Yucatec and English speakers and explain the significance of his findings. Answer: John Lucy conducted experiments comparing Yucatec Maya and English speakers to investigate the influence of language on spatial cognition. Here’s a brief overview and explanation of the significance of his findings: Experiment Description: Lucy presented participants with arrays of objects and asked them to describe the relationships between them. For example, participants might be shown three objects (A, B, and C) arranged in a line. They would then be asked to describe the position of object C relative to objects A and B. Findings: 1. Yucatec Maya Speakers: • Yucatec Maya speakers typically described spatial relationships using intrinsic terms, which are based on the object’s inherent spatial properties (e.g., left/right, north/south). • They showed a preference for using absolute frames of reference, such as cardinal directions (north, south, east, west), even in tasks where an egocentric perspective (using left/right) might be expected in English. 2. English Speakers: • English speakers often described spatial relationships using relative terms like left/right or front/back, which depend on the observer’s orientation. • They were more likely to use egocentric frames of reference, where spatial relations are described in terms relative to the observer. Significance: • Lucy's findings suggest that the language we speak influences how we conceptualize and communicate spatial relationships. • Yucatec Maya speakers’ preference for absolute frames of reference aligns with their language's rich system for describing cardinal directions (e.g., "north of," "south of"), which may lead to a more precise and consistent understanding of spatial relationships across different contexts. • In contrast, English speakers’ reliance on egocentric frames of reference reflects their language's focus on relative spatial terms (e.g., "to the left of," "behind"), which may influence how they perceive and navigate spatial environments. Overall, Lucy's experiments highlight the role of language in shaping cognitive processes related to spatial orientation and demonstrate support for the theory of linguistic relativity in the domain of spatial cognition. 38. Compare and contrast the ways people express spatial relations in Guugu Yimithirr and Tzeltal. Answer: Guugu Yimithirr and Tzeltal are two languages that exhibit distinct ways of expressing spatial relations, which can provide insights into the theory of linguistic relativity: Guugu Yimithirr: • Spatial Reference System: Guugu Yimithirr uses an absolute spatial reference system based on cardinal directions (north, south, east, west). • Example: Speakers of Guugu Yimithirr would typically describe the location of objects or events using terms like "north of," "south of," "east of," "west of," regardless of the speaker's orientation. • Significance: This language structure encourages speakers to maintain a constant awareness of cardinal directions in their daily lives, shaping their spatial cognition to prioritize absolute directional awareness. Tzeltal: • Spatial Reference System: Tzeltal utilizes an intrinsic spatial reference system, which includes both absolute and relative terms. • Example: Tzeltal speakers can describe spatial relationships using terms based on the object's inherent spatial properties (intrinsic terms), such as "uphill/downhill," "upriver/downriver," in addition to cardinal directions. • Significance: This language structure allows for a flexible approach to spatial cognition, where both absolute and relative frames of reference can be employed depending on the context. Comparison: • Frame of Reference: Guugu Yimithirr primarily employs an absolute frame of reference (cardinal directions), whereas Tzeltal uses both intrinsic and absolute frames of reference. • Impact on Cognition: Guugu Yimithirr speakers may develop a heightened sensitivity to cardinal directions, influencing how they navigate and conceptualize space. In contrast, Tzeltal speakers might have a more nuanced spatial cognition that integrates both absolute and relative spatial information. • Cultural Context: Guugu Yimithirr’s emphasis on cardinal directions could potentially lead to a culture where spatial orientation is a prominent aspect of daily life. In Tzeltal culture, the flexibility in spatial reference systems might reflect a different relationship with the environment and navigation practices. Contrast: • Dominant Terms: Guugu Yimithirr relies heavily on cardinal directions as primary spatial terms, whereas Tzeltal incorporates a wider variety of spatial terms including intrinsic ones. • Cognitive Approach: Guugu Yimithirr's absolute frame may foster a more global, constant orientation in spatial thinking, whereas Tzeltal's mixed frame allows for more context-dependent spatial reasoning. In summary, while both Guugu Yimithirr and Tzeltal exhibit distinctive ways of expressing spatial relations, their differences highlight how language structures can shape cognitive processes related to spatial orientation and navigation, providing support for the theory of linguistic relativity. 39. Compare and contrast the underlying cultural presuppositions regarding individual autonomy in English and Navajo. Give examples to illustrate how these different cultural presuppositions affect each language. Answer: In comparing English and Navajo regarding cultural presuppositions regarding individual autonomy, we can highlight several key differences that manifest in language use and expression: English: • Cultural Presuppositions: English-speaking cultures often emphasize individual autonomy, independence, and personal achievement. • Language Manifestation: • Pronouns: English has distinct pronouns ("I," "you," "he/she/it") that emphasize individual identity and agency. • Verbal Expressions: English expressions often prioritize actions and decisions of the individual, reinforcing personal responsibility and autonomy (e.g., "I will do it," "You should decide," "He made a choice"). • Legal and Social Discourse: Legal and social systems in English-speaking societies often prioritize individual rights, freedoms, and responsibilities. Navajo: • Cultural Presuppositions: Navajo culture traditionally values interconnectedness, community consensus, and harmonious relations over individual autonomy. • Language Manifestation: • Pronouns: Navajo lacks direct equivalents to English pronouns that strongly emphasize individual identity. Pronouns often reflect relational or inclusive aspects (e.g., "our," "we," "you (plural)"). • Verbal Expressions: Navajo verbs can encode information about the social context, including the involvement and agreement of others, rather than focusing solely on the individual's actions (e.g., verbs may include information about the participation of others in the action). • Cultural Practices: Navajo cultural practices often involve communal decision-making processes, where consensus and collective well-being are prioritized over individual desires or achievements. Examples: • In English, a statement like "I decided to move to another city for my career" highlights individual agency and personal ambition. • In Navajo, a similar statement might emphasize collective agreement and communal support, such as "Our family agreed it was best for us to move to find better opportunities." Comparison: • Emphasis: English emphasizes individual autonomy and personal choices, reflecting cultural values of independence and achievement. • Navajo: Navajo emphasizes communal relationships and consensus-building, reflecting cultural values of interconnectedness and community harmony. Contrast: • Language Structure: English uses grammatical structures that center around individual actions and decisions, reinforcing notions of personal responsibility and agency. • Navajo: Navajo linguistic structures often embed social context and relational information, reflecting a collective orientation where individual actions are understood within broader social frameworks. In summary, the cultural presuppositions regarding individual autonomy in English and Navajo are reflected in their respective languages through pronouns, verbal expressions, and cultural practices. These differences illustrate how language can shape and reinforce cultural values related to personal autonomy versus communal harmony. 40. Describe the metaphorical extension of the morpheme for “mother” to other entities in Navajo. Answer: In Navajo language and culture, the morpheme for "mother" (áłtso or ma) is rich with metaphorical extensions that reflect the importance of nurturing relationships and connections beyond biological motherhood. Here are some significant metaphorical extensions: 1. Earth (Naakaii): In Navajo culture, the Earth is often referred to metaphorically as "Mother Earth" (Naakaii łizhini), highlighting the nurturing and life-giving qualities associated with the land. This metaphorical extension recognizes the Earth as a provider and sustainer of life, akin to the role of a mother in nurturing her children. 2. Water (Tó): Water is essential for life and is metaphorically referred to as "Mother Water" (Tó łizhini). This metaphorical extension emphasizes the life-sustaining properties of water and its vital role in nurturing all living beings. 3. Plants and Animals: Certain plants and animals are also metaphorically referred to with terms that include the morpheme for "mother," particularly those that provide sustenance or have significant cultural importance. For example, corn (níłch'i) is often referred to as "Mother Corn" (níłch'i łizhini), recognizing its central role in Navajo culture as a staple food source. 4. Ancestors and Elders: The concept of "mothers" extends metaphorically to include ancestors and elders who provide wisdom, guidance, and cultural teachings to younger generations. They are respected as sources of knowledge and are metaphorically referred to as "mothers" due to their nurturing and supportive roles within the community. 5. Concepts of Care and Protection: The morpheme for "mother" is also extended metaphorically to include concepts of care, protection, and nurturing relationships within the community. This can encompass relationships between siblings, extended family members, and community members who provide support and assistance. These metaphorical extensions of the morpheme for "mother" in Navajo demonstrate a cultural understanding that emphasizes nurturing, caregiving, and interconnectedness with the natural world and community. They highlight the importance of these relationships in Navajo society and the recognition of various entities as sources of sustenance, guidance, and cultural continuity akin to the nurturing role traditionally associated with mothers. Chapter 4—Contextual Components: Outline of an Ethnography of Communication MULTIPLE CHOICE. Choose the one option that best completes the statement or answers the question. 1. What factors affect communication? A. participants, settings, topic of conversation, interlocutor’s goals B. cultural stereotypes C. social norms D. dialect E. isoglosses Answer: A 2. What is a feature of formal situations? A. less focus on a specific event B. more jokes and teasing C. more structure D. less structure E. more expletives Answer: C 3. Two speakers using each other’s first names as terms of address signals that they A. do not know each other well. B. have equal status. C. have unequal status. D. spend very little time together. E. want to maintain social distance. Answer: B 4. Two speakers using each other’s titles and last names as terms of address typically signals A. formality. B. intimacy. C. rudeness. D. social closeness. E. casualness. Answer: A 5. Why did Chinese speakers shift to the reciprocal use of the T form of the second-person pronoun? A. The feelings of solidarity and intimacy expressed by the V form are no longer considered appropriate. B. The power inequality in the V form no longer fit with the nation’s ideology after the revolution. C. The Chinese government wanted to make the language less like European languages that use T and V. D. The social hierarchies that required a V form disappeared over time. E. The V form was too difficult to pronounce for most people. Answer: B 6. Speakers of American English typically use kinship terms for non-family members to signal ___________, whereas Chinese speakers typically use them to signal ___________. A. deference; rebelliousness B. rebelliousness; solidarity C. solidarity; rebelliousness D. solidarity; deference E. deference; solidarity Answer: D 7. What is a speech act in linguistic anthropology? A. a way of using language to achieve goals B. a way of speaking that avoids telling the truth C. a way of using language like a member of a different social group D. a way of giving speeches that entertain an audience E. a way of speaking artistically Answer: A 8. What is the locutionary act of an utterance? A. the speaker’s intention B. the verbalized message C. the effect of the message on the addressee D. the cultural presupposition underlying the utterance E. the facial expression of the addressee when the utterance is spoken Answer: B 9. What is the perlocutionary act of an utterance? A. the speaker’s intention B. the verbalized message C. the effect of the message on the addressee D. the cultural presupposition underlying the utterance E. the facial expression of the addressee when the utterance is spoken Answer: C 10. What is an example of a commissive speech act? A. a statement B. a nomination C. an apology D. an order E. a promise Answer: E 11. What is an example of a directive speech act? A. a threat B. a command C. a pledge D. a nomination E. an apology Answer: B 12. The sentence Would you wash the dishes, please? is an example of which type of speech act? A. representative B. declaration C. directive D. expressive E. commissive Answer: C 13. When judges sentence defendants or bosses fire employees, what kind of speech act are they using? A. representative B. directive C. commissive D. declaration E. expressive Answer: D 14. Some speech acts, such as greetings, goodbyes, apologies, and compliments, are often expressed in very predictable ways. These speech acts are known as A. routines. B. perlocutionary acts. C. representatives. D. keys. E. narratives. Answer: A 15. Linguistic anthropology identifies greetings as ___________? A. formalities. B. cultural requirements. C. social requirements. D. something that occurs once in an interaction. E. stereotyped linguistic routines Answer: E 16. Japanese apologies are different from English apologies because A. they are required in fewer contexts. B. they are required in more contexts. C. they are never used along with other speech acts. D. they occur only in formal situations. E. they occur only in very casual situations. Answer: B 17. What are mythic narratives? A. Stories that describe events from the ancient past. B. Stories that describe what happened to the speaker earlier that day. C. Stories that take place in the future. D. Stories that describe the history of the community. E. Stories that include the speaker as a major character. Answer: A 18. Historical narratives are stories that describe events that A. happened in ancient times. B. happened in other worlds or realms. C. happened in a society’s past. D. happened in the speaker’s life. E. may happen in the future. Answer: C 19. Which statement is true of narratives? A. Successful narratives should be as subjective as possible. B. Narratives are generally shorter than other ways of communicating. C. Successful narratives do not need to be of interest to the listener. D. The events in successful narratives can be told in any order. E. Narratives should convey a point. Answer: E 20. How do listeners in North America signal that they are listening to a narrative? A. They remain completely silent throughout the narrative to indicate they are listening. B. They try to avoid showing facial expressions that might distract the speaker from the story. C. They refrain from asking questions during the narrative. D. They periodically make small vocalizations to indicate they are listening. E. They repeat each sentence of the narrative after the speaker. Answer: D IDENTIFICATION/SHORT ANSWER. Write the word or phrase that best completes each statement or answers the question. 21. An ___________ is a way of studying interaction that involves describing the participants, code, channel, setting, genre, topics, and attitudes relevant to any interaction. Answer: ethnography of communication 22. One factor that affects the way people are given nicknames in America is ___________. Answer: gender/age/personal relationship 23. In the 1600s, American English speakers started using the pronouns ye/you instead of __________ in order to socially distance themselves from the Quakers. Answer: thee/thou 24. Linguistic markers that signal respect and deference for another person are called ___________. Answer: honorifics 25. Japanese has one set of affixes to honor the high status of the addressee, and another set to _________ the speaker. Answer: humble/humiliate 26. The speaker’s intention behind an utterance is the ___________ act of that utterance. Answer: illocutionary 27. When a speaker makes a statement or conclusion about the world, that speaker used a ___________ speech act. Answer: representative 28. Thanking, congratulating, apologizing, and welcoming are all ___________ speech acts. Answer: expressive 29. Stories that describe events in the speaker’s life are called ___________. Answer: personal narratives 30. The Western Apache use ___________ to reinforce social norms. Answer: stories/narratives/historical tales TRUE/FALSE. Write ‘T’ if the statement is true and ‘F’ if the statement is false. 31. All cultures have rules for appropriate communication and interaction. Answer: True 32. People make linguistic choices on such matters such as what topics to discuss and what words to use based on who their interlocutors are. Answer: True 33. In Japanese, husbands and wives typically use terms of address that signal equal social status between them. Answer: False 34. The structures of greetings, goodbyes, and apologies are usually unpredictable in most cultures. Answer: False 35. Dell Hymes’ approach to analyzing narratives focuses more on the imagery in the narrative than its structure. Answer: False ESSAY. Write a well-organized essay of [will vary: between 50–100 words] for each of the questions below. Make sure your essay has an introductory and concluding sentence and evidence from class to back up your points as necessary. 36. Compare and contrast the ways that speakers of European languages, English, and Chinese have changed their norms regarding choosing a second-person pronoun as a term of address. Answer: The evolution of norms regarding second-person pronouns in European languages, English, and Chinese shows interesting contrasts and similarities: European Languages (e.g., French, Spanish, German): 1. Formality and Informality: Many European languages traditionally distinguish between formal and informal second-person pronouns. For example, French uses "vous" (formal) and "tu" (informal), Spanish has "usted" (formal) and "tú" (informal), and German uses "Sie" (formal) and "du" (informal). 2. Historical Shifts: In the past, formal pronouns were used in almost all formal and unfamiliar interactions, whereas informal pronouns were reserved for close relationships or children. Over time, especially in the 20th century, there has been a trend towards greater informality, with informal pronouns being used more broadly, even in professional settings. 3. Social Dynamics: The choice of pronoun can indicate social status, respect, intimacy, and power dynamics. The norms governing these choices are influenced by cultural attitudes towards hierarchy and formality. English: 1. Simplification: English historically had a formal "you" ("thou") and an informal "you" ("ye"), but the informal form fell out of use by the 17th century. Since then, "you" has served as both the formal and informal second-person pronoun. 2. Leveling of Formality: English has a relatively flat structure in terms of pronoun use, where "you" is used universally without distinction in formality. This can lead to ambiguity in some contexts where formality or intimacy needs clarification. 3. Cultural Influence: American English, in particular, tends towards informality in address compared to some British English norms, reflecting cultural attitudes towards hierarchy and equality. Chinese (Mandarin): 1. Traditional Pronouns: Chinese traditionally had distinct pronouns for formal and informal address. For example, Mandarin uses "你" (nǐ, informal) and "您" (nín, formal). 2. Modern Trends: In contemporary usage, there has been a noticeable shift towards using "你" (nǐ) as a default pronoun in many situations, including formal settings. This reflects broader cultural changes towards informality and egalitarianism. 3. Cultural Significance: The choice of pronoun in Chinese can signify respect, social distance, and the nature of the relationship between speaker and listener. The shift towards using informal pronouns in more contexts may indicate changing attitudes towards hierarchy and interpersonal relationships. Comparison and Contrast: • Formality vs. Informality: European languages historically maintained a clearer distinction between formal and informal pronouns compared to English and modern Chinese. • Historical Evolution: English underwent a simplification early on, while European languages have seen a gradual relaxation of formal norms. Chinese has experienced a more recent shift towards informal pronouns. • Cultural Influences: Norms in each language are shaped by cultural values regarding respect, hierarchy, and social interaction. English tends towards informality, while European languages and Chinese traditionally valued formal address in certain contexts. In summary, while all three language groups have undergone changes in norms regarding second-person pronoun usage, the specific historical trajectories and cultural contexts have led to distinct patterns of evolution in European languages, English, and Chinese. 37. Describe the gender differences that are found in the way kinship terms are applied to non-family members in Chinese and the way terms of address for husbands and wives are used in Japanese. Answer: Let's delve into the gender differences observed in the application of kinship terms to non-family members in Chinese, and the usage of terms of address for husbands and wives in Japanese. Gender Differences in Chinese Kinship Terms: In Chinese culture, kinship terms play a significant role not only within the family but also in broader social interactions, where they can be applied to non-family members based on age, familiarity, and social hierarchy. Here are some key points regarding gender differences in the application of kinship terms: 1. Addressing Non-family Members: • Elder Sister/Brother (姐姐/哥哥): These terms are often used by younger individuals to address older females (姐姐) and males (哥哥) respectfully. They signify a respectful and sometimes affectionate way to address non-family members who are older. • Younger Sister/Brother (妹妹/弟弟): Similarly, these terms are used to address younger females (妹妹) and males (弟弟) in a familiar or affectionate manner. 2. Gendered Terms: • 女士 (nǚshì): This term translates to "Mrs." or "Madam" and is used formally to address women in a polite and respectful manner, especially in professional or formal settings. • 先生 (xiānsheng): This term translates to "Mr." and is used formally to address men in a polite and respectful manner, especially in professional or formal settings. 3. Cultural Nuances: • Chinese kinship terms can carry nuances of respect and familiarity, with specific terms used to denote relationships that are not strictly familial but still involve hierarchical or social distinctions. Terms of Address for Husbands and Wives in Japanese: Japanese culture places significant emphasis on respect and hierarchy in relationships, including between husbands and wives. The terms of address used reflect these cultural norms: 1. Husband (夫 - otto): • The term "otto" is used to refer to one's own husband. It implies familiarity and respect, similar to how "husband" is used in English but with nuances of Japanese cultural norms. 2. Wife (妻 - tsuma): • The term "tsuma" is used to refer to one's own wife. It also implies familiarity and respect, reflecting the cultural expectations of how husbands should address their wives. 3. Formality and Intimacy: • In more formal or public contexts, honorifics such as "-san" (Mr./Mrs.) may be added to these terms to denote respect. For example, "Otto-san" and "Tsuma-san" would be more formal ways to address one's spouse. 4. Gendered and Cultural Significance: • The use of specific terms of address for husbands and wives in Japanese reflects cultural values of respect, hierarchy within the family, and the importance of maintaining appropriate social roles and decorum. Comparison and Contrast: Chinese vs. Japanese Contexts: • Chinese kinship terms for non-family members are more broadly applied based on age and social hierarchy, while Japanese terms of address for spouses emphasize respect and cultural norms within marital relationships. Gendered Terms: • Both Chinese and Japanese have gendered terms for addressing spouses (夫/妻 in Japanese; 女士/先生 in Chinese), reflecting the acknowledgment of gender roles within these cultures. Cultural Norms: • Chinese and Japanese terms of address reveal cultural norms regarding respect, familiarity, and hierarchy within relationships, illustrating how language reflects and reinforces cultural values. In conclusion, the gender differences in the application of kinship terms in Chinese and the terms of address for husbands and wives in Japanese highlight the importance of cultural context in shaping linguistic expressions of respect and hierarchy within relationships. 38. Compare and contrast the ways that greetings are used by Anglo-American and Wolof speakers. Answer: Let's compare and contrast the ways greetings are used by Anglo-American speakers (representing English-speaking cultures) and Wolof speakers (representing a language and culture predominantly found in Senegal and Gambia). Anglo-American (English-speaking) Greetings: 1. Formality and Informality: • Formal Greetings: In formal settings or with unfamiliar individuals, Anglo-Americans often use greetings like "Hello," "Good morning," "Good afternoon," or "Good evening." These greetings are polite and denote respect. • Informal Greetings: In casual settings or with close acquaintances, informal greetings such as "Hi," "Hey," or even just a nod or wave are common. These reflect familiarity and comfort. 2. Use of Names: • Anglo-Americans often accompany greetings with the use of names, especially in formal contexts or when addressing someone with whom they have a closer relationship. For example, "Hello, Mr. Smith," or "Hi, Sarah." 3. Social Norms: • Greetings in Anglo-American culture often set the tone for further interaction. They are considered important in establishing rapport, showing respect, and acknowledging the presence of others. Wolof Greetings: 1. Variety and Context: • Teranga: In Wolof culture, hospitality and respect are highly valued, and greetings reflect this. The word "Teranga" embodies Wolof hospitality and is often used as a greeting to welcome guests and express warmth and openness. • Formal Greetings: Wolof speakers may use formal greetings such as "Nanga def?" (How are you?) or "Salaam aleekum" (Peace be upon you) in more formal or respectful contexts. 2. Cultural Significance: • Greetings in Wolof culture go beyond mere acknowledgment; they are seen as opportunities to show respect, inquire about well-being, and demonstrate hospitality. Responses often include expressions of gratitude and further inquiries into the other person's well-being. 3. Ritualistic Elements: • Greetings in Wolof culture may involve specific rituals or gestures, such as shaking hands, embracing, or even offering a small gift or token of hospitality as part of the greeting process. Comparison and Contrast: • Formality: Anglo-American greetings distinguish more clearly between formal and informal contexts, with specific phrases used in each. In contrast, Wolof greetings emphasize warmth and hospitality regardless of formality, often incorporating cultural norms of respect and hospitality. • Cultural Values: Anglo-American greetings often serve to establish social hierarchy and demonstrate politeness or familiarity. In Wolof culture, greetings are deeply intertwined with hospitality and respect, reflecting communal values and traditions of welcoming guests. • Expression of Well-being: Wolof greetings frequently include inquiries about the other person's well-being and family, reflecting a communal concern for the welfare of others. Anglo-American greetings may include such inquiries but often focus more on acknowledging the other person's presence and setting a tone for interaction. In summary, while both Anglo-American and Wolof speakers use greetings to acknowledge others and establish social interactions, the specific nuances, formality, and cultural values associated with greetings differ significantly between the two cultures. Anglo-Americans emphasize formality, respect, and familiarity, while Wolof speakers prioritize hospitality, warmth, and communal well-being in their greeting customs. 39. Discuss the importance of historical narratives in Western Apache culture, and give examples to illustrate your points. Answer: Historical narratives play a crucial role in Western Apache culture, serving not only to transmit collective memories but also to reinforce cultural identity, values, and the interconnectedness between people, land, and spiritual beliefs. Here are several key aspects that highlight the importance of historical narratives in Western Apache culture, along with illustrative examples: Importance of Historical Narratives: 1. Preservation of Cultural Identity: • Historical narratives in Western Apache culture serve to preserve and transmit cultural identity across generations. They encompass stories of origins, migrations, significant events, and interactions with neighboring tribes or settlers. These narratives reinforce a sense of belonging and continuity with the past. • Example: The story of the emergence of the Apache people from the underworld, as recounted in traditional narratives, not only explains their origins but also underscores their unique relationship with the land and spiritual beliefs. This narrative is essential in shaping Apache identity and worldview. 2. Transmission of Knowledge and Wisdom: • Historical narratives are repositories of traditional knowledge, wisdom, and practical skills. They often contain teachings about survival strategies, ethical conduct, and the natural environment. Elders pass down these narratives orally, ensuring that younger generations learn from the experiences and insights of their ancestors. • Example: Stories about legendary Apache leaders like Cochise or Geronimo are not just tales of bravery but also convey leadership qualities, strategies for resistance against adversity, and lessons in resilience and adaptability. These narratives inspire and educate Apache youth about their heritage and the challenges their ancestors faced. 3. Sacred and Spiritual Significance: • Many historical narratives in Western Apache culture have deep spiritual meanings. They often incorporate elements of mythology, creation stories, and interactions with spiritual beings or deities. These narratives are integral to religious ceremonies, rituals, and healing practices. • Example: The narrative of the Apache Crown Dancers, who perform ceremonial dances to bring rain and ensure the fertility of the land, is not only a cultural performance but also a spiritual practice deeply connected to Apache cosmology and beliefs about the natural world. 4. Legal and Political Relevance: • Historical narratives also have practical applications in contemporary legal and political contexts. They may be invoked to substantiate land claims, assert rights to traditional territories, or support assertions of sovereignty and self-governance. • Example: The Apache struggle for recognition of their traditional lands and rights to water resources often draws upon historical narratives that document their ancestral ties to specific regions and their sustainable use of natural resources over centuries. Conclusion: In Western Apache culture, historical narratives are not merely stories of the past; they are foundational to understanding and preserving Apache identity, knowledge, spirituality, and sovereignty. These narratives continue to play a vital role in shaping Apache perspectives on their place in the world, their relationships with others, and their ongoing struggles for cultural survival and self-determination. Through the transmission of these narratives, Apache communities maintain a profound connection to their history, their land, and their collective heritage. 40. Describe the ways that gender and age affect the way Samoan listeners respond during narratives. Answer: In Samoan culture, gender and age are important factors that influence how listeners respond during narratives. These factors shape social norms, expectations, and interactions within the community. Here are the ways gender and age affect the way Samoan listeners respond during narratives: Gender Influence: 1. Role of Respect and Politeness: • Samoan culture places a strong emphasis on respect and politeness, particularly towards elders and those of higher status. This influences how listeners, especially younger individuals, respond during narratives. • Example: Younger Samoans may show deference by listening attentively, maintaining eye contact with the speaker, and responding with affirmations or acknowledgments ("ia," "ae") to indicate understanding and respect. 2. Gender Roles in Communication: • Traditional gender roles in Samoan society also influence how men and women respond during narratives. Men may exhibit assertiveness and provide commentary or ask questions to engage with the narrative. • Example: Male listeners might interject with exclamations of agreement or disbelief ("E le mōmō le lelei!," meaning "That's not quite right!"), showcasing active participation and sometimes challenging aspects of the narrative. 3. Nonverbal Communication: • Nonverbal cues such as nodding, facial expressions, and body language are used by both genders to show agreement, understanding, or empathy with the speaker. • Example: Women may nod or smile encouragingly to indicate they are following the narrative and appreciate the storytelling. Age Influence: 1. Respect for Elders: • In Samoan culture, age confers authority and wisdom. Younger listeners are expected to show deference to older individuals by listening attentively and refraining from interrupting. • Example: Younger Samoans often listen quietly and attentively to older speakers, showing respect through their demeanor and attentive silence. 2. Responsibility to Learn and Absorb Knowledge: • Older individuals are seen as custodians of cultural knowledge and traditions. Younger Samoans are expected to actively listen and learn from their narratives, ensuring the transmission of cultural values and histories. • Example: Young listeners might ask respectful questions seeking clarification or elaboration from older speakers, demonstrating their role in actively engaging with and learning from the narrative. 3. Cultural Preservation: • Narratives serve as a means of passing down ancestral knowledge and traditions. Age influences how listeners value and participate in these narratives, as older individuals are seen as primary transmitters of cultural heritage. • Example: Elderly storytellers may recount myths, legends, or historical events, and younger listeners absorb these narratives with reverence and a sense of cultural duty to preserve and uphold Samoan traditions. Conclusion: In Samoan culture, gender and age play distinct roles in shaping the dynamics of narrative listening and response. Gender influences the style of engagement and interaction during narratives, while age dictates roles of respect, authority, and responsibility in the preservation and transmission of cultural knowledge. Understanding these dynamics provides insight into the social fabric and values that underpin Samoan community life, where storytelling serves not only as entertainment but also as a vital mechanism for cultural continuity and identity formation. Test Bank for Language, Culture, and Communication: The Meaning of Messages Nancy Bonvillain 9780205953561

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