CH-13-14 Stratification by Age – Sociology : Chapter Notes

This Document Contains Chapters 13 to 14 CHAPTER 13 STRATIFICATION BY AGE CHAPTER OUTLINE AGING AND SOCIETY SOCIOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVES ON AGING Functionalist Approach: Disengagement Theory Interactionist Approach: Activity Theory Labeling Theory The Conflict Approach AGING WORLDWIDE ROLE TRANSITIONS THROUGHOUT THE LIFE COURSE The Sandwich Generation Adjusting to Retirement Death and Dying AGE STRATIFICATION IN THE UNITED STATES The “Graying of America” Wealth and Income Ageism Competition in the Labor Force The Elderly: Emergence of a Collective Consciousness SOCIAL POLICY AND AGE STRATIFICATION: THE RIGHT TO DIE WORLDWIDE Boxes Taking Sociology to Work: A. David Roberts, Social Worker Research Today: Native Americans and Death Trend Spotting: Job Wanted-Over 65 Research Today: Elderspeak and Other Signs of Ageism LEARNING OBJECTIVES WHAT’S NEW IN CHAPTER 13 1. Discuss the nature and extent of age stratification. 2. Discuss the functionalist approach to age stratification, including disengagement theory. 3. Discuss the interactionist approach to age stratification, including activity theory. 4. Discuss aging and age discrimination from the perspective of labeling theory. 5. Discuss the conflict approach to age stratification. 6. Discuss worldwide trends in aging. 7. Discuss the various role transitions throughout the life course. 8. Discuss the “graying of America” as a social phenomenon. 9. Discuss the emergence of an elderly collective consciousness. 10. Discuss current controversies surrounding the right to die. • Chapter opening excerpt from Shock of Gray by Ted C. Fishman • Two Thinking Critically Exercises • Discussion of the projected rise in the median age of the world’s population • Research Today Box, “Native Americans and Death” • Figure, “Percentage of U.S. Population in Selected Age Groups, “1970-2050” • Trend Spotting Box, “Job Wanted—Over 65” CHAPTER SUMMARY Aging is another important aspect of socialization. Gerontology is the scientific study of the sociological and psychological aspects of aging and the problems of the aged. Disengagement theory, which follows the functionalist perspective, contends that society and the aging individual mutually sever many of their relationships. Disengagement theory emphasizes that passing social roles on from one generation to another ensures social stability. Implicit in this view is that society should help older people withdraw from their accustomed social roles. Activity theory follows the interactionist approach and argues that the elderly person who remains active will be the best adjusted. Often seen as opposing disengagement theory, activity theory views older people’s withdrawal from society as harmful for society. In their view, aging citizens will feel satisfied only when they can be useful and productive in society’s terms, primarily working for wages. Labeling theorists view age as a life stage that is defined by society. As society changes, the age at which one is labeled old and the role expectations for the old change accordingly. When one is considered old as well as the meaning of being old varies across cultures. Conflict theorists have criticized both disengagement and activity theories for failing to consider the impact of social structure on patterns of aging. In the conflict view, the privileged position of the upper class generally leads to better health and vigor and to less dependency in old age. According to the conflict approach, the treatment of older people in the United States reflects the many divisions in our society. The conflict approach regards older people as victimized by social structure with their social roles relatively unchanged but devalued. The life course affects the manner in which we relate to one another. The first transitional period in the life course begins at a time when an individual gradually enters the adult world. The second transitional period begins at about age 40 and is commonly known as the midlife crisis. During the 1990s social scientists focused on the sandwich generation, or those adults that try to meet the competing needs of their parents and their children. The experience of retirement varies according to gender, race, and ethnicity. Retirement is a series of adjustments that will differ for each individual. Discussions on death and dying vary as to the approach or model one adopts in analyzing death. The functionalist analysis of death suggests dying as fulfilling a social function. Hospice care is designed to allow for death with dignity and remains consistent with the functionalist view. The graying of the United States is a phenomenon that can no longer be ignored. In 2000, people 55 or older made up 35 percent of the total vote in the presidential race. The typical older person enjoys a standard of living much higher than at any point in the past; however, class differences remain evident. The largest organization representing the nation’s elderly is the American Association of Retired Persons (AARP). The potential power of the AARP is enormous. The organization represents one out of every four registered voters in the United States. RESOURCE INTEGRATOR Focus Questions Resources 1. Describe how the elderly in the U.S. fit the criteria for a subordinate group. IN THE TEXT Visual Support: Photo of Latino family gathering IN THE INSTRUCTOR’S MANUAL Classroom Discussion Topics: 13-2, 13-3, 13-4 Video Resources: Age 2. How do functionalists view aging and age inequality? IN THE TEXT Key Terms: disengagement theory Box: Taking Sociology to Work, “A. David Roberts, Social Worker” IN THE INSTRUCTOR’S MANUAL Additional Lecture Ideas: 13-1, 13-2 Video Resources: Age 3. How do interactionists and labeling theorists view aging and age inequality? IN THE TEXT Key Terms: activity theory Visual Support: Photograph of senior surfers in California IN THE INSTRUCTOR’S MANUAL Additional Lecture Ideas: 13-3 Classroom Discussion Topics: 13-3, 13-4, 13-6 Video Resources: Age 4. How do conflict theorists view age inequality? IN THE TEXT Visual Support: Table 13-1, “Sociological Perspectives on Aging” IN THE INSTRUCTOR’S MANUAL Additional Lecture Ideas: 13-4, 13-5 Classroom Discussion Topics: 13-5, 13-6, 13-7 Video Resources: Age 5. What are the trends in aging worldwide? IN THE TEXT Visual Support: Figure 13-1, “World’s ‘Oldest’ Countries Versus the United States” 6. What are the typical stages of the life course in the U.S.? IN THE TEXT Key Terms: midlife crisis, sandwich generation, naturally occurring retirement communities (NORCs); hospice care Visual Support: Photo of sandwich generation mom; Cartoon about retirement; Figure 13-2, “Expected Retirement Age”; Photo of funeral in Ghana; Drawing of generic NORC apartment building IN THE INSTRUCTOR’S MANUAL Additional Lecture Ideas: 13-3 Classroom Discussion Topics: 13-4, 13-6 7. What are the main patterns of age inequality in the United States? IN THE TEXT Key Terms: ageism Box: Research Today, “Native Americans and Death” Box: Research Today, “Elderspeak and Other Signs of Ageism” Trend Spotting: “Job Wanted—Over 65” Visual Support: Figure 13-3, “Percentage of U.S. Population in Selected Age Groups, 1970-2050”; Figure 13-4, “Minority Population Age 65 and Older, 2010-2050”; Figure 13-5, “Twenty-Eight Floridas by 2030”; Photo of AARP magazine cover featuring Robin Williams IN THE INSTRUCTOR’S MANUAL Classroom Discussion Topics: 13-2, 13-3, 13-4, 13-5, 13-6, 13-7 LECTURE OUTLINE I. Aging and Society • All societies have some system of age stratification. • Being old is a master status that commonly overshadows all others in the U.S. • Negative stereotypes contribute to elderly discrimination as a minority group. • A crucial difference between older people and other subordinate groups is that all those who live long enough will assume the ascribed status of being an older person. II. Sociological Perspectives on Aging • Aging is an important aspect of socialization. • Gerontology is the scientific study of the sociological and psychological aspects of aging and the problems of the aged. A. Functionalist Approach: Disengagement Theory • Disengagement theory contends that society and the aging individual mutually sever many of their relationships. • The passing of roles from one generation to another ensures stability. • The aging person withdraws into an increasing state of inactivity while preparing for death. Simultaneously, society segregates aging people. • Critics charge disengagement forces the elderly into involuntary and painful withdrawal from paid labor and meaningful social relationships. B. Interactionist Approach: Activity Theory • Activity theory argues that elderly people are better adjusted when active. • Improved health has strengthened the position of activity theorists. • The Internet is a new method for keeping elderly in touch with families and friends. • Activity theorists focus on potential contributions of elderly people. C. Labeling Theory • Labeling theorists see old age as a life stage that is constructed culturally and socially. • The age at which one is labeled old increases as life expectancy lengthens. • The age at which one is labeled old varies from culture to culture. • Definitions of “old age” change over time. D. The Conflict Approach • Treatment of elderly people reflects the many divisions in our society. • Older people are victimized by social structure and devalued. • Affluent persons enjoy better healthcare than working-class elderly. III. Aging Worldwide • Today, the world’s population is evenly divided between those who are under age 28 and those who are over age 28. By the middle of the 21st century, the median age will have risen to 40. • By 2045, about 15.2% of the world’s population will be over age 65. IV. Role Transitions throughout the Life Course • Experiences vary at certain points in the life course. • Daniel Levinson identified a number of developmental and transitional periods in the life course. • Men and women both experience midlife crises at about age 40. A. The Sandwich Generation • The sandwich generation refers to adults who simultaneously try to meet the needs of both their parents and children. B. Adjusting to Retirement • Retirement is a rite of passage. • From 1950 to mid-1990s average age at retirement declined. • In the last few years, the age of retirement has reversed direction and begun to increase. Example: In 2007, 8 percent of women and 14 percent of men over 70 are still working. • Gerontologist Robert Atchley identified phases of retirement experiences: pre-retirement, the near phase, the honeymoon phase, the disenchantment phase, the reorientation phase, the stability phase, and the termination phase. • Experience of retirement varies with gender, race, and ethnicity. C. Death and Dying • Kubler-Ross has identified five stages of dying: 1) denying the truth to oneself, 2) a period of anger, 3) stage of bargaining, 4) depression, and 5) acceptance. • Functionalist view dying as fulfilling distinct functions. Example: Completing unfinished business. • Hospice care is founded on the concept of improving the quality of dying. V. Age Stratification in the United States A. The “Graying of America” • By 2010, our population 65 and over is projected to be 13 percent. See Figure 13-3. • Florida was the state most populated by elderly in 2000, with 17.6 percent. • In 25 years more than half the states will have elderly populations exceeding what Florida has currently. • In the 2000 presidential race, people 55 and older made up 35 percent of the total vote. B. Wealth and Income • Older people are neither homogenous nor poor. Older people have enjoyed a higher standard of living than in the past. • Social Security provides 39 percent of the elderly income. • Female-headed households and racial and ethnic minorities have not kept pace with the gains made by other seniors. C. Ageism • Ageism refers to prejudice and discrimination against people because of their age. • Old age may symbolize disease for some. D. Competition in the Labor Force • In 2001, 34 percent of men and 25 percent of women aged 65 to 69 participated in the paid labor force. • Some perceive older workers as job stealers. • AARP revealed in 1993 that older people face discrimination when applying for jobs. • Older workers can be an asset for employers. Lower rates of absenteeism and effective sales persons. E. The Elderly: Emergence of a Collective Consciousness • AARP founded in 1958. The group provides a powerful lobbying force. • National Committee to Preserve Social Security and Medicare in 1982 successfully lobbied Congress to retain benefits. • Senior Action in a Gay Environment (SAGE) established in 1977 in New York. VI. Social Policy and Age Stratification: The Right to Die Worldwide A. The Issue • Legalized euthanasia. • Dr. Jack Kevorkian imprisoned for second-degree murder in 1998. • In 2006, 69 percent of people supported physician-supported suicide. B. The Setting • Senilicide is practiced in many societies. • Death hastening occurs when older people become decrepit. • Public policy in the U.S. does not allow active euthanasia. C. Sociological Insights • Informal norms seem to permit mercy killings. • Nearly 70 percent of all deaths in the U.S. are “quietly negotiated.” • Conflict theorists suggest the powerless and poor are encouraged to choose assisted death. • Critics of euthanasia charge supporters are guilty of ageism and other biases. D. Policy Initiatives • Widely accepted in the Netherlands, Switzerland, and Belgium. • Oregon is only state in U.S. allowing assisted suicide. • Bush administration sought unsuccessfully to stop doctors from prescribing lethal drugs for terminally ill patients in Oregon. KEY TERMS Activity theory An interactionist theory of aging that suggests that those elderly people who remain active and socially involved will be best-adjusted. Ageism Prejudice and discrimination based on a person’s age. Disengagement theory A functionalist theory of aging that suggests that society and the aging individual mutually sever many of their relationships. Euthanasia The act of bringing about the death of a hopelessly ill and suffering person in a relatively quick and painless way for reasons of mercy. Gerontology The scientific study of the sociological and psychological aspects of aging and the problems of the aged. Hospice care Treatment of the terminally ill in their own homes, or in special hospital units or other facilities, with the goal of helping them to die easily, without pain. Naturally occurring retirement communities (NORCs) An area that has gradually become an informal center for senior citizens. Midlife crisis A stressful period of self-evaluation that begins at about age 40. Sandwich generation The generation of adults who simultaneously try to meet the competing needs of their parents and their children. ADDITIONAL LECTURE IDEAS 13-1: Who Will Bury Me? In many societies, the elderly look to their adult children for care during old age. This is especially true in developing societies that lack a network of social service agencies to provide basic assistance. But what happens to childless older persons in a preindustrial society? To study this question, anthropologist Laura Zimmer conducted fieldwork for one year among the Gende, cultivators living in the mountainous interior of Papua New Guinea. Zimmer found that 18 percent of the Gende 45 years or older were childless. A commonly expressed concern among older persons is that when they die there will be no one to mourn their deaths or to see that they receive a proper funeral (known as kwiagi). Generally, childless elderly attach themselves to the families of their brothers, who serve as reluctant caretakers. While no formal adoption ceremony exists among the Gende, some childless persons adopt children of deceased relatives or of couples who have difficulty caring for their many children. Since the Gende were first contacted by Europeans in 1932, there has been a steady increase in migration away from their area, leaving more and more elderly Gende without children nearby. This has forced some older persons to migrate to cities and seek whatever work is available. Whether they migrate or not, many older Gende resent their children’s migration and accuse them of not caring about their parents. Clearly, as Zimmer has shown, modernization has contributed to the difficulties faced by childless elderly among the Gende. See Laura Zimmer, “Who Will Bury Me? The Plight of Childless Elderly among the Gende,” Journal of Cross-Cultural Gerontology 2 (January 1987): 61–77. 13-2: The Elderly in !Kung Society A case study of aging in a nonindustrial community is provided by Harriet G. Rosenberg (“Complaint Discourse, Aging, and Care-Giving among the Kung San of Botswana,” in Jay Sokolovsky, ed. The Cultural Context of Aging: Worldwide Perspectives. New York: Bergin and Garvey, 1980, pp. 19-41). It is not always easy to accurately interpret the treatment of the elderly in another culture. For example, long-term observation research has focused on the Kung, a nomadic hunting-and-gathering tribe in southern Africa. In the culture of the Kung, sharp and constant complaints by the elderly are commonplace. In fact, by North American standards, the treatment of older people in Kung society is rather favorable. The tribe’s elders are involved in their community’s social, economic, political, and spiritual life. Most of the respected healers, the crucial healthcare providers for the Kung, are elders. In general, older people in this culture enjoy personal autonomy, respect, and a significant degree of control over their day-to-day lives. Care-giving is an integral part of the culture of the Kung. Incapacitated elders are scrupulously cared for by relatives and the larger community. Only 10 percent of Kung report that they have ever heard of an older person’s being abandoned. Moreover, the elderly are not made to feel that they are a burden on younger generations. They do not need to negotiate care as if it were a favor; instead, it is perceived as a right. If older people can no longer produce enough to feed themselves, they will be given the basics of life in this nomadic culture: firewood, water, and food. Why, then, are complaints by the elderly so common among the Kung? The community appears to set such a high standard of care-giving, with each person ideally obligated to meet the needs of everyone else at all times, that no one can possibly meet this standard. Moreover, the Kung, described by one researcher as “cranky, funny, and loud,” love a captivating story—even if it is a passionate, elaborate complaint that is not fully justified. Thus, when one elder, Kasupe, denounced his uncaring children, another tribal member observed that it was a “big story” (in other words, totally untrue). Rather than reacting angrily to this charge, Kasupe laughed, for he knew he had spun an enchanting tale that had captured the attention of listeners. 13-3: Typology of the Elderly George P. Moschis, professor of marketing at Georgia State University, has examined the consumer behavior of older people (defined here as 55 years or older) in the United States and has concluded that this behavior has more to do with their outlook on life than with their age. The physical, social, and psychological changes people experience in later life shape their needs and wants. He has found that these circumstances give rise to four distinct consumer segments with different ways of responding to marketing efforts: 1. Health Indulgers (18 percent of the population) have experienced the fewest life events—such as retirement, widowhood, and chronic conditions—that contribute to people’s psychological and social aging. As a result, they are often indistinguishable from younger consumers, according to Moschis. 2. Healthy Hermits (36 percent) are likely to have experienced life events, such as the death of a spouse, that have affected their self-concept and self-worth. They tend to be withdrawn. (This notion of “healthy hermits” corresponds to the approach taken by disengagement theory.) 3. Ailing Outgoers (29 percent) maintain positive self-esteem and self-concept, despite life events such as health problems. Unlike the “healthy hermits,” the “ailing outgoers” accept their old-age status but are still interested in getting the most out of their life. 4. Frail Recluses (17 percent) have come to feel their physical decline and have adjusted their lifestyles accordingly. Moschis acknowledges that people move from one group to another. This typology helps remind us of the diversity within the senior citizen community, which is too often portrayed as homogeneous. See George P. Moschis, “Life Stage of the Mature Market,” American Demographics 18 (September 1996): 44–50. 13-4: Worried Well Myth It is commonly believed that older adults with no apparent evidence of ailments or pathology still worry about their health. Furthermore, these people are viewed as making inappropriate demands for health services. The potential policy implication is that these “worried well” have adverse effects on the fiscally out-of-control healthcare delivery system. Using data on 4,578 respondents in the four-wave Longitudinal Study on Aging, a team of sociologists has attempted to identify the “worried well.” The worried well are defined as (1) worried about their health, but without known medical conditions; (2) worried about their health, but without functional limitations; and (3) worried about their health, but without either known medical conditions or any functional limitations. The researchers operationalize this definition using 11 indexes of health services utilization, measured over time, for treatment of conditions such as heart disease, hip problems, and Alzheimer disease. Overall, about 9.5 percent of the respondents were classified as “worried well” by definition 1, 6.6 percent by definition 2, and only 2.8 percent by definition 3. The research question was whether any of these groups contacted physicians or hospitals or sought placement in a nursing home. The researchers found no consistent evidence to support the contention that these older adults who worry about their health but have no apparent problems make inappropriate demands for health services. The researchers note that the “worried well” myth may be perpetuated by the tendency to blame the victim. We assume the complainers are making demands on the healthcare delivery system and are therefore indirectly hurting us. Rather than focusing on the alleged demands of the “worried well,” our attention should be focused on seeing that the “worried well” are better diagnosed. See Frederic D. Wolinsky, Christopher M. Callahan, John F. Fitzgerald, and Robert J. Johnson, “The ‘Worried Well’ Myth: Older Adults and the Use of Health Services.” In Gary L. Albrecht (ed.). Advances in Medical Sociology. Greenwich, CT: JAI Press, 1994, pp. 163–184. 13-5: Exchange Theory Unlike disengagement and activity theorists, conflict theorists focus on the disadvantaged position of older Americans. Using an approach that has certain similarities to conflict theory, James Dowd attempts to answer the question, often overlooked by other theorists, of why the aged engage in fewer social interactions. The traditional explanations are that the elderly have poorer health and lower incomes than younger Americans do, but these are not the only factors at work. To examine this question more fully, Dowd drew upon exchange theory, a general sociological theory first developed by George Homans and Peter Blau. Exchange theory contends that interactions among people are most likely to occur if all participants feel they are profiting from the relationship. Individuals and groups can benefit not only through financial rewards but also through receipt of love, approval, esteem, and other nonmaterial rewards. An implication of exchange theory is that those who cannot reciprocate fully within a relationship place themselves in a subservient position, both economically and socially. Thus, an employer and an employee exchange wages for labor; yet, in this type of exchange, employers are generally able to reinforce their superior position. The employer has the power to set limits for work performed and pay received. The employee can respond by withholding his or her labor but obviously pays the price in terms of lost income. In the case of the elderly, Dowd suggests that they function in an exchange relationship with younger people. However, the relatively low ascribed status of the aged limits their bargaining power. The elderly retire from the labor force and vacate their homes; in return, they receive the “rewards” of pensions, Social Security, and Medicare benefits. Dowd does not argue that such withdrawal from social roles is satisfying to the elderly, as disengagement theorists might. Rather, he views withdrawal as the eventual result of a series of exchange relationships in which the relative power of senior citizens gradually declines. The crucial element in this analysis is the assumption that the older persons are at a disadvantage within an exchange relationship. They are not necessarily poor, but their ability to accumulate additional financial resources is more limited than that of persons a decade or two younger. Furthermore, retirement rules, prejudice, discrimination, and declining health all limit the ability of the elderly to compete with younger adults. In this respect, exchange theory is in accord with functionalist and conflict theories, two approaches we have often found to be at odds with each other. Functionalists view the withdrawal of older Americans as supportive of the needs of the young and middle-aged by allowing such groups to move into newly vacated positions of authority. Conflict theorists note that this withdrawal is far from voluntary. Rather, in their opinion, it is but one more example of the dominance of those with greatest political and economic power (young and middle-aged adults) over those with less power (the elderly). See Peter Blau. Exchange and Power in Social Life. New York: Wiley, 1964; James J. Dowd. Stratification among the Aged. Monterey, CA: Brooks/Cole, 1980; George Homans. Social Behavior: Its Elementary Forms. New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1961. CLASS DISCUSSION TOPICS 13-1. Stimulating Classroom Discussions about Tuesdays With Morrie: Questions about this excerpt from Mich Albom’s book could include: Do students have a fear of aging? What do students think Morrie meant when he said “Aging is not just decay, you know. It’s growth.” In what way is age socially constructed? Why do we need to look at the life course as a continuum? 13-2. “Youth is America’s Last, Best Hope”: Have the class evaluate this frequently heard statement. 13-3. Stereotyping: Several weeks before covering the topic of age stratification, have each class member list four adjectives that describe a 15-year-old and four adjectives that describe a 70-year-old. Compile the responses and share the results with the class. This approach is taken from a class exercise developed by Mike Hoover at Missouri Western State College. See Technique No. 60 in Edward L. Kain and Robin Neas, (eds.). Innovative Techniques for Teaching Sociological Concepts. Washington, DC: American Sociological Association, 1993. 13-4. Growing Old: Ask your students to bring up the subject of growing old at a party or some other social gathering and observe the reactions of those present. This experiment ought to demonstrate that people (especially young adults) in our culture show little interest in discussing old age. 13-5. Age and Economic Hardship: An exchange of ideas about the relationship between aging and economic hardship can be initiated by using the following resources: John Mirowsky and Catherine E. Ross, “Economic Hardship across the Life Course,” American Sociological Review 64 (August 1999): 548–569; Melissa A. Hardy and Lawrence E. Hazelrigg, “Comment: Fueling the Politics of Age,” American Sociological Review 64 (August 1999): 570–576; and John Mirowsky and Catherine E. Ross, “Reply: Economic Hardship Declines with Age,” American Sociological Review 64 (August 1999): 577–584. 13-6. Ageism in Movies: Bring a rather current video to class and show it. Have students note how older people are portrayed in the video. Discuss what types of myths and stereotypes about the elderly are evident in this film. 13-7. Ageism and Age Inequality: See Technique No. 1 in Edward L. Kain and Robin Neas, (eds.). Innovative Techniques for Teaching Sociological Concepts. Washington, DC: American Sociological Association, 1993. For another exercise focusing specifically on the disparaging stereotype of the sexless old person in our society, see Technique No. 60 on p. 103. TOPICS FOR STUDENT RESEARCH AND CLASSROOM DISCUSSION 1. Ask students to search for evidence in advertising, movies, and television shows that reinforce traditional age-specific roles assigned to both men and women, and discuss the influence of social construction in forming age norms. 2. Ask students to search for evidence of ageism in recent “reality TV” shows, and discuss the various sociological views regarding age norms. 3. Ask students to search for evidence of ageism in recent news stories such as divorces, lawsuits, or criminal cases, and discuss institutional discrimination directed toward the elderly. 4. Ask students to discuss their views about aging rock musicians going out on concert tours, such as the Rolling Stones or the Who, and discuss disengagement and activity theories on aging. 5. Ask students to interview elderly persons about their experiences as adolescents and to compare those experiences with their own, and discuss how age norms are often based on stereotypes. CHAPTER 14 THE FAMILY AND INTIMATE RELATIONSHIPS CHAPTER OUTLINE GLOBAL VIEW OF THE FAMILY Composition: What Is the Family? Kinship Patterns: To Whom Are We Related? Authority Patterns: Who Rules? SOCIOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVES ON THE FAMILY Functionalist View Conflict View Interactionist View Feminist View MARRIAGE AND FAMILY Courtship and Mate Selection Variations in Family Life and Intimate Relationships Child-Rearing Patterns DIVORCE Statistical Trends in Divorce Factors Associated with Divorce Impact of Divorce on Children DIVERSE LIFESTYLES Cohabitation Remaining Single Marriage without Children Lesbian and Gay Relationships SOCIAL POLICY AND THE FAMILY: GAY MARRIAGE Boxes Sociology in the Global Community: One Wife, Many Husbands: The Nyinba Trend Spotting: Cougars on the Rise Sociology in the Global Community: Family Life, Italian Style: Thirty-Something and Living with Mom Research Today: Divorce and Military Deployment LEARNING OBJECTIVES WHAT’S NEW IN CHAPTER 14 1. Describe the various compositions of family. 2. Discuss the significance of kinship and authority patterns found in families. 3. Analyze the social institution of family using each of the three sociological perspectives. 4. Discuss the interrelationship of marriage and family. 5. Describe the variations in family life and intimate relationships. 6. Discuss varying child-rearing patterns in family life. 7. Describe the trends and factors associated with divorce. 8. Discuss current trends and diverse lifestyles related to family life. • Chapter opening excerpt from The Marriage-Go-Round: The State of Marriage and the Family in America Today, by Andrew J. Cherlin • Trend Spotting Box, “Cougars on the Rise” • Updated discussion of Internet romance • Statistics on interracial and interethnic marriages in the United States • Discussion of the impact of new media technologies on the practice of polygyny • Sociology in the Global Community Box, “Family Life, Italian Style: Thirty-Something and Living with Mom” • Discussion of the foreign perspective on international adoption • Updated discussion of state law regarding adoption by unmarried, gay, and lesbian couples • Use Your Sociological Imagination Exercise • Updated Research Today Box, “Divorce and Military Deployment” • Updated discussion of the cost of raising children • Updated discussion of public opinion of gay marriage, with Mapping Life Nationwide Map, “Gay Marriage by State” CHAPTER SUMMARY A family can be defined as a set of people related by blood, marriage, or some other agreed-upon relationship, or adoption, who share the primary responsibility for reproduction and caring for members of society. In the United States, family has traditionally been viewed in a very narrow set of terms: as a married couple and their unmarried children living together. The traditional family arrangement is referred to as a nuclear family. By contrast, an extended family is a family in which relatives (e.g., grandparents, aunts, or uncles) live in the same home as parents and their children. Family types are relevant to various forms of marriage, which include: monogamy, serial monogamy, and polygamy (which includes polygyny and polyandry). The state of being related to others is called kinship. The United States follows the pattern of bilateral descent, which means that both sides of a person’s family are regarded as equally important. Patrilineal descent indicates that only the father’s relatives are important in determining property, inheritance, and emotional ties. Conversely, in societies that favor matrilineal descent, only the mother’s relatives are significant. Authority patterns within families are often related to kinship descent. If a society expects males to dominate in all the family decision making, it is termed a patriarchy. By contrast, in a matriarchy, women have greater authority than men. Within the egalitarian family, spouses are regarded as equals; however, wives may hold authority in some spheres and husbands in others. The various sociological perspectives hold varying views on family. Functionalists focus on the ways in which family gratifies the needs of its members and contributes to the stability of society in providing reproduction, protection, socialization, regulation of sexual behavior, affection and companionship, and social status. Conflict theorists view family as a reflection of the inequality in wealth and power found within the larger society. Both feminist and conflict theorists contend that family has traditionally legitimized and perpetuated male dominance. In essence, the family is viewed as an economic unit that contributes to societal injustice. Interactionists focus on the microlevel of family and other intimate relationships. Interactionists are interested in how individuals, whether cohabitating or married, interact with one another. Feminist theorists stress the need to rethink the notion that families in which no adult male is present are automatically a cause for concern, or even dysfunctional. Mate selection is influenced by distinctive cultural norms and values. Endogamy specifies that people are expected to marry within their own racial, ethnic, or religious group. Conversely, exogamy requires mate selection outside certain groups, usually outside one’s own family or certain kinfolk. Homogamy refers to the practice of marrying someone with similar characteristics to one’s own. Regardless of other characteristics, SES is associated with homogamy. The incest taboo prohibits sexual relationships between certain culturally specified relatives. In the United States, love is important in the courtship process and is considered a rationale for marriage. Arranged marriages often take precedent over love relationships in many parts of the world. Within the United States, social class, race, and ethnicity create variations in family life. The subordinate status of racial and ethnic minorities profoundly affects family life in the United States. The African-American family suffers from many negative and inaccurate stereotypes. Mexican Americans have traditionally placed proximity to their extended families above other needs and desires. Caring for children is a universal function of the family, yet the ways in which this care is assigned to family members vary significantly. Parenthood is one of the most important social roles in the United States. A recent extension of parenthood involves adult children continuing to live at home or returning home after college or divorce. This phenomenon is sometimes called the “boomerang generation” or the “full-nest syndrome” in the popular press. In 2004, nearly 9 percent of all children in the U.S. lived in a home with a grandparent. The expectation that a family consists of a wage-earning husband with a wife who stays at home has largely given way to the dual-income household. The rise of the dual-income model is partly contingent on economic need, the increasing desire on the part of both men and women to pursue careers, and increasing acceptance of egalitarian marriage. The diminishing of the “unwed mother” stigma has contributed to more single-parent families. In 2004, a single parent headed about 20 percent of White families with children under 18, 29 percent of Hispanic families, and 59 percent of African-American families. Approximately 63 percent of all divorcees in the United States have remarried. Since the 1980s the divorce rate has declined by 30 percent. However, increased divorce and remarriage have led to a noticeable increase in stepfamily relationships. Perhaps the most important factor in the increase in divorce over the last hundred years has been the greater social acceptance of divorce. One of the most dramatic trends in recent years has been the tremendous increase in male-female couples who choose to live together without marrying. This practice of cohabitation rose sixfold in the 1960s and increased another 72 percent between 1990 and 2000. More and more people are postponing entry into marriage. However, fewer than 4 percent of women and men in the United States are likely to remain single throughout their lives. There has been a modest increase in childlessness in the United States. About 16 to 17 percent of women will now complete their childbearing years without having borne any children, compared to 10 percent in 1980. The lifestyles of gay and lesbian couples can be varied. The issue of gay marriage is highly controversial. RESOURCE INTEGRATOR Focus Questions Resources 1. What is the range of family composition, kinship, and authority patterns in the United States and worldwide? IN THE TEXT Key Terms: nuclear family, extended family, monogamy, serial monogamy, polygamy, polygyny, polyandry, kinship, bilateral descent, patrilineal descent, matrilineal descent, patriarchy, matriarchy, egalitarian family Visual Support: Figure 14-1, “US Households by Family Type: 1940-2010”; Photo of family dinner Box: Sociology in the Global Community, “One Wife, Many Husbands: The Nyinba” IN THE INSTRUCTOR’S MANUAL Additional Lecture Ideas: 14-1, 14-2 Classroom Discussion Topics: 14-5, 14-11 Video Resources: The Human Animal; The Latino Family 2. How do functionalists, conflict theorists, feminists, and interactionists view the family? IN THE TEXT Visual Support: Photo of intergenerational family; Photo of nuclear family; Table 14-1, “Sociological Perspectives on the Family” IN THE INSTRUCTOR’S MANUAL Additional Lecture Ideas: 14-1, 14-2, 14-3, 14-4, 14-10 Topics and Sources for Student Research: Marital Violence; Single Mothers and Welfare Programs Video Resources: And Baby Makes Two; Caught in the Crossfire; Family Violence REEL SOCIETY CD Topic Index: Family—Functions; Family—Inequality 3. How do mate selection and family life vary in the United States and throughout the world? IN THE TEXT Key Terms: endogamy, exogamy, incest taboo, homogamy, machismo, familism, adoption, single-parent families Box: Research Today, “Arranged Marriage, American-Style” Box: Trend Spotting, “Cougars on the Rise” Visual Support: Figure 14-2, “Median Age of First Marriage in Eight Countries”; Photo of interracial couple; Figure 14-3, “Rise of Single-Parent Families in the US, 1970-2010”; Photo of nine-year-old with eight grandparents; Photo of long-distance marital partners communicating via computer IN THE INSTRUCTOR’S MANUAL Additional Lecture Ideas: 14-4, 14-6 Classroom Discussion Topics: 14-3, 14-4, 14-6, 14-7, 14-8, 14-9, 14-11 Topics and Sources for Student Research: African-American Family; Race and Household Structure in 1910; Commuter Marriages Video Resources: Interracial Marriage REEL SOCIETY CD Topic Index: Cultural Divides LECTURE LAUNCHER NBC NEWS VIDEO CLIPS Volume 1: Sex in America 4. What are the major trends in divorce in the United States? IN THE TEXT Boxes: Research Today, “Divorce and Military Deployment” Visual Support: Cartoon on family diversity; Figure 14-4, “Trends in Marriage and Divorce in the US, 1920-2009” IN THE INSTRUCTOR’S MANUAL Additional Lecture Ideas: 14-3, 14-7, 14-8 Classroom Discussion Topics: 14-4 Video Resources: Divorce and the Family 5. In what ways is family life becoming more diverse in the United States? IN THE TEXT Key Terms: cohabitation Visual Support: Photo of single woman; Figure 14-5, “Unmarried Couple Households by State”; Photo of single woman IN THE INSTRUCTOR’S MANUAL Additional Lecture Ideas: 14-6, 14-7, 14-9, 14-10 Classroom Discussion Topics: 14-5, 14-7, 14-8, 14-10, 14-11 Topics and Sources for Student Research: Infant Care by Men and Women; Commuter Marriages; Historical Change in Parenting Video Resources: And Baby Makes Two; Caught in the Crossfire; The Changing American Family; Divorce and the Family; Hutterites; Interracial Marriage; The Japanese Nightmare; Working it Out REEL SOCIETY CD Topic Index: Family—Lifestyles LECTURE LAUNCHER NBC NEWS VIDEO CLIPS Volume 1: Vermont Passes Bill to Allow Civil Rights for Same Sex Couples; Changing Times Volume 2: Should Gays Be Able to Adopt? LECTURE OUTLINE Introduction • A family is defined as a set of people related by blood, marriage, or some other agreed-upon relationship, or adoption, who share the primary responsibility for reproduction and caring for members of society. I. Global View of the Family A. Composition: What Is the Family? • The nuclear family consists of a married couple and their unmarried children living together. Nuclear families have steadily decreased over the last 30 years. By 2000, only about a third of U.S. family households fit this model. • An extended family is a family in which relatives—such as grandparents, aunts, or uncles—live in the same home as parents and their children. • Extended families provide greater emotional and financial support. • Monogamy refers to one woman and one man married only to each other. • Serial monogamy refers to a person who may have several spouses in his or her lifetime, but only one at a time. • There are two types of polygamy: polygyny refers to the marriage of a man to more than one woman at the same time, and polyandry refers to a woman with more than one husband at the same time. B. Kinship Patterns: To Whom Are We Related? • The state of being related to others is called kinship. • Kinship is culturally learned and follows a system of descent. • In bilateral descent, both sides of a person’s family are regarded as equal. • In patrilineal descent, only the father’s relatives are important in terms of property, inheritance, and emotional ties. • In matrilineal descent, only the mother’s relatives are significant. C. Authority Patterns: Who Rules? • In a patriarchy males are expected to dominate all family decision making. • Men typically find divorce easier than women in a patriarchy. • Women have greater authority than men in matriarchies, which are very rare. • In an egalitarian family, authority is shared between spouses. Egalitarian families are becoming more common in the United States. II. Sociological Perspectives On The Family • Friedrich Engels (1884) described family as the ultimate source of social inequality. A. Functionalist View • Family gratifies the needs of its members and contributes to the stability of society. • Six paramount functions of family outlined by William F. Ogburn: (1) reproduction, (2) protection, (3) socialization, (4) regulation of sexual behavior, (5) affection and companionship, and (6) providing social status. • Some functions have been shifted to outside groups. Example: education and recreation. B. Conflict View • Family is a reflection of inequality in wealth and power, perpetuated by male dominance. • Family is viewed as an economic unit that contributes to social injustice. • Children inherit the class status of their parents. C. Interactionist View • Microlevel analysis interested in how individuals interact. Examples: father/children interaction as it relates to behavioral problems; studies related to behavior of stepfamilies. D. Feminist View • Research on gender roles in childcare and household chores has been extensive. Example: Arlie Hochschild. • Feminist theorists have urged others to rethink notion that families with no adult male are automatically cause for concern. • Other areas of research: single women, single-parent households, and lesbian couples. Feminists stress need to investigate neglected topics in family studies. Example: families in which wife earns more than the husband. III. Marriage and Family • Over 95 percent of all men and women in the U.S. will marry at least once. A. Courtship and Mate Selection • Influenced by the norms and values of the larger society. • Internet romance via matchmaking services. Examples: eHarmony and PerfectMatch.com. • The process is taking longer than in the past. Most people are well into their 20s before they marry. 1. Aspects of Mate Selection • Endogamy specifies that people are expected to marry within their own racial, ethnic, or religious group. Intended to reinforce group cohesiveness. • Exogamy requires mate selection outside certain groups, usually one’s own family or certain kinfolk. • Incest taboos prohibit sexual relationships between culturally specified relatives. In the U.S. this means we must marry outside the nuclear family. • Until the 1960s, interracial marriage was outlawed in some states. • Marriage between African Americans and Whites has increased more than sevenfold in recent decades. Twenty-seven percent of all married Hispanics have a non-Hispanic spouse; 25 percent of married Asian- American women and 12 percent of married Asian-American men are married to someone of non-Asian descent. • Endogamy is still the social norm in the United States. • Homogamy is the conscious or unconscious tendency to choose a mate with similar personalities and cultural interests. Example: “Like marries like” rule. However, others observe the rule that “Opposites attract.” So mate selection is unpredictable. 2. The Love Relationship • In the U.S., love is important in courtship as a rationale for marriage. • Love is not universal for marriage in all cultures. • Arranged marriages are the basis for mate selection in many cultures and in some subcultures within the U.S. See Box 12-2. B. Variations in Family Life and Intimate Relationships 1. Social Class Differences • Upper-class families emphasize lineage of family position. • Lower-class families struggle to pay bills and survive. • Middle-class families are more permissive than lower-class families, which have tended to be more authoritative; however, these differences have recently narrowed. • Women play a significant economic role in poor families. Example: In 2006, 28 percent of all families headed by women with no husband present were below the poverty line. The rate for married couples was only 4.9 percent. 2. Racial and Ethnic Differences • The subordinate status of racial and ethnic minorities affects family life. • Female kin ease financial strains among Black families headed by single mothers. • Emphasis on deep religious commitment and aspirations for achievement. • Mexican Americans are more familistic in that extended family ties are strong. Mexican-American men exhibit machismo. C. Child-Rearing Patterns 1. Parenthood and Grandparenthood • Parenthood is one of the most important social roles in the U.S. • Alice Rossi identified four factors regarding socialization into parenthood: (1) little anticipatory socialization for the care-giving role; (2) limited learning occurs during the pregnancy period; (3) transition to parenthood is abrupt; and (4) society lacks clear guidelines for successful parenthood. • Extension of parenthood. Example: children living at home longer, and divorced children returning home to live with parents. In 2006, 53 percent of men and 43 percent of women aged 18 to 24 lived with their parents. Studies of the boomerang generation, or the full-nest syndrome, suggest that neither parents nor adult children are happy about living together. Some feel resentful and isolated. • In 2004, 6.5 million children in the U.S. lived with grandparents. 2. Adoption • Process that allows the transfer of legal rights, responsibilities, and privileges of parenthood to a new legal parent or parents. • Functionalists suggest that government encourages adoption for stability. • Conflict perspective suggests affluent couples buy children of the poor. • In 1995, New York (after Vermont and Massachusetts) held that couples do not have to be married to adopt. Under this ruling, unmarried heterosexual couples, lesbian couples, and gay male couples can all legally adopt children in New York. 3. Dual-Income Families • Majority of married people are dual-wage earners out of economic need. • The increase in the proportion of men and women who desire to pursue careers contributes to the increase in dual-income families. Increased participation of women in the labor force is associated with both the rise in the number of married couples who live apart for reasons other than marital discord and in the increased acceptance of the egalitarian family type. 4. Single-Parent Families • Stigma attached to “unwed” mothers has significantly declined. • In the U.S. in 2004, a single parent headed about 20 percent of White families with children under 18, 29 percent of Hispanic families, and 59 percent of African-American families. • The majority of babies born to unwed teenage mothers are born to White adolescents. • In 2007, 88 percent of single-parent households in the U.S. were headed by mothers; however, households headed by single fathers more than quadrupled between 1980 and 2000. • Single fathers tend to be more isolated than single mothers. 5. Stepfamilies • Rising rates of divorce and remarriage have increased stepfamily relationships. • Children of stepfamilies may not be better off than children of divorced, single-parent households. • Compared to children raised by biological parents, children raised in stepfamilies are likely to have less healthcare, education, and money for food. IV. Divorce A. Statistical Trends in Divorce • Divorce began to increase in the late 1960s, and has declined since the late 1980s. • About 63 percent of divorced people remarry. • Some regard the remarriage rate as an endorsement of the institution of marriage. B. Factors Associated with Divorce • Greater social acceptance. • Relaxing of negative attitudes by religious denominations. • Growing worldwide acceptance. Example: increasing divorce rate in South Korea. • States have adopted more liberal divorce laws (no fault). • Divorce more practical option since families today tend to have fewer children. • The general increase in family income and the availability of free legal aid to some poor make divorce more affordable. • Women are less dependent on their husbands, both economically and emotionally, and feel more able to leave a bad marriage. C. Impact of Divorce on Children • Some suggest divorce is a welcome end for children witnessing family dysfunction. • In about 70 percent of all divorces, the stress and conflict of the divorce are harder for the children than living with marital unhappiness. V. Diverse Lifestyles • Marriage rate has declined since 1960 because people are postponing marriage, and because more couples, including same-sex couples, are forming partnerships without marriage. A. Cohabitation • Male-female couples who choose to live together without marrying. • Number of unmarried-couple households rose sixfold in the 1960s and another 72 percent between 1990 and 2000. • Cohabitation is also extremely common in Europe. • Working couples are almost twice as likely to cohabit as college students. • In 2003, 45 percent of unmarried couples had one or more children in the household. • About half of all people who cohabit have previously been married. B. Remaining Single • Fewer than 4 percent of women and men in the U.S. are likely to remain single throughout their lives. • Postponing marriage is related to growing economic independence of young people. • Single persons may choose not to limit their sexual intimacy and not to become dependent on another person. • Singles may form support groups to combat inaccurate stereotyping. C. Marriage without Children • There has been a modest increase in childlessness in the U.S. • About 16 to 17 percent of women will complete their childbearing years without having borne any children, compared to 10 percent in 1980. • Economic considerations have contributed to this attitude. Example: In 2004, the average middle-class family spent $184,320 to feed, clothe, and shelter a child from birth to age 18. If the child attends college, the amount could double. D. Lesbian and Gay Relationships • Lifestyles of gays and lesbians vary greatly. • Two to 5 percent of the adult population identify themselves as either gay or lesbian. VI. Social Policy and the Family: Gay Marriage A. The Issue • Same-sex marriage. B. The Setting • In 2004, George W. Bush raised the possibility of a constitutional amendment banning same-sex marriages. • In 1999, the state of Vermont began to give same-sex couples in civil unions the same legal benefits as married couples. • In 2003, the Massachusetts Supreme Court ruled that gay couples had the right to marry. C. Sociological Insights • Functionalists emphasize the link between marriage and reproduction. • Conflict theorists see the lack of marriage rights among gays as a way of continuing to subordinate them. • Interactionists are interested in the household dynamics of same-sex households. D. Policy Initiatives • A number of European countries recognize same-sex partnerships. • In the U.S., many local jurisdictions allow gay couples to register as domestic partnerships, through which they can receive some of the benefits of marriage. • Some states have moved to ban same-sex marriage, though they still prohibit discrimination against gays and lesbians. KEY TERMS Adoption In a legal sense, a process that allows for the transfer of the legal rights, responsibilities, and privileges of parenthood to a new legal parent or parents. Bilateral descent A kinship system in which both sides of a person’s family are regarded as equally important. Cohabitation The practice of living together as a male–female couple without marrying. Domestic partnership Two unrelated adults who have chosen to share a mutually caring relationship, reside together, and agree to be jointly responsible for their dependents, basic living expenses, and other common necessities. Egalitarian family An authority pattern in which spouses are regarded as equals. Endogamy The restriction of mate selection to people within the same group. Exogamy The requirement that people select mates outside certain groups. Extended family A family in which relatives—such as grandparents, aunts, or uncles—live in the same home as parents and their children. Familism Pride in the extended family, expressed through the maintenance of close ties and strong obligations to kinfolk outside the immediate family. Family A set of people related by blood, marriage, or some other agreed-upon relationship, or adoption, who share the primary responsibility for reproduction and caring for members of society. Homogamy The conscious or unconscious tendency to select a mate with personal characteristics similar to one’s own. Incest taboo The prohibition of sexual relationships between certain culturally specified relatives. Kinship The state of being related to others. Machismo A sense of virility, personal worth, and pride in one’s maleness. Matriarchy A society in which women dominate in family decision making. Matrilineal descent A kinship system in which only the relatives of the mother are significant. Monogamy A form of marriage in which one woman and one man are married only to each other. Nuclear family A married couple and their unmarried children living together. Patriarchy A society in which men dominate in family decision making. Patrilineal descent A kinship system in which only the relatives of the father are significant. Polyandry A form of polygamy in which a woman may have more than one husband at the same time. Polygamy A form of marriage in which an individual can have several husbands or wives simultaneously. Polygyny A form of polygamy in which a man may have more than one wife at the same time. Serial monogamy A form of marriage in which a person may have several spouses in his or her lifetime, but only one spouse at a time. Single-parent family A family in which only one parent is present to care for the children. ADDITIONAL LECTURE IDEAS 14-1: Tibetan Family Life From 1938 through 1957, His Royal Highness Prince Peter of Greece and Denmark, a trained anthropologist, carefully recorded his observations of family life in mountainous Tibet. His work offers a glimpse at family life in a culture very different from our own. The ideal Tibetan family was a polyandrous one in which all brothers had a common wife. Unrelated men might, in some cases, share a woman. However, the close association of brothers served to reduce the jealousy that might arise if a number of unrelated men were sharing the same wife. The cohusbands of a particular woman would agree among themselves as to which one would have sexual relations with the wife on any given day. Apparently, the women had little say in the matter. Birth control was nonexistent and restriction on sexual behavior prior to marriage was minimal. Nevertheless, in a very poor society that could not afford to feed many children, an unmarried woman bearing a child was expected to abandon the baby in the river. The proportion of Tibetan marriages that were polyandrous varied from 90 percent in the rural areas to only 2 percent in the capital of Lhasa. Since polyandry was so common and more than one-fourth of Tibetan males were Buddhist monks, many women remained single throughout their lives. Some became nuns, some lived permanently in the households of their married brothers, and others turned to prostitution. As in most societies, Tibetan families did not all correspond to the ideal. Most families were monogamous, especially in the cities. Some affluent nobles and merchants practiced polygyny (one man having several wives). In rare cases, the cohusbands of a polyandrous family would collectively take on a second wife. Generally, this occurred when the first was unable to bear a p’horjag, or heir. It should be noted that since Prince Peter recorded these observations, Tibet has become an autonomous region of the People’s Republic of China. As a result, these patterns have undoubtedly undergone change. See H.R.H. Prince Peter of Greece and Denmark, “The Tibetan Family System,” in Meyer F. Nimkoff (ed.). Comparative Family Systems. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1965, pp. 192–208. 14-2: Cultivation Theory Cultivation theory, which was developed by media researchers, suggests that there are consistent images, themes, and stereotypes that cut across programming genres. As a whole, these different media images cultivate a view of the family and gender roles, for example, that is consistent. Thus, viewers who watch comedies, soap operas, news stories and weekly news programs, sporting events, dramas, and late-night television programs will develop similar and consistent views. Unfortunately, these media views of the family and gender roles are oftentimes partially or completely incorrect and widespread. Males are generally viewed as more ambitious and successful than women, and women are more nurturing and emotional than men. Similarly, the view of the family presented in Leave it to Beaver, The Brady Bunch, One Day at a Time, Roseanne, The Simpsons, and Dawson’s Creek has influenced generations of viewers’ thoughts about the typical family system in the United States. The family has never been as perfect as we were led to believe by the Cleaver family of Leave it to Beaver, and it is generally not as dysfunctional as is presented in The Simpsons. William Ogburn suggests that the family is in the process of dying because it is no longer fulfilling the functions that were its traditional responsibility. These functions, he claims, are now being fulfilled by other social institutions: school systems, welfare departments, police departments, and the like. However, Coontz, Skolnick, and others suggest that the family is changing to meet the needs of a changing society, and that the media distorts our impression of the functions and the success of the family system in any of the supposed golden eras of this institution. (NOTE: This would be a good point to generate a class discussion about the media’s current and past presentation of the family and gender roles. Students have access to “classic” television programs on cable and they can compare and contrast the changing views of the family and male and female gender roles, and assess the accuracy and impact of these presentations.) See Stephanie Coontz. The Way We Never Were: American Families and the Nostalgia Trip. New York: Basic Books, 1992; William F. Ogburn, “The Changing Family,” The Family 19 (1939): 139–143; Nancy Signorielli, “Children, Television, and Gender Roles—Messages and Impact,” Journal of Broadcasting and Electronic Media 33 (June 1989): 325–331; Nancy Signorielli and N. Morgan (eds.). Cultivation Analysis: New Directions in Media Research. Newbury Park, CA: Sage, 1990; Arlene Skolnick, “Public Images, Private Realities: The American Family in Popular Culture and Social Science.” In Changing Images of the Family, Virginia Tufte and Barbara Myerhoff (eds.). New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1979, pp. 297–315; Bryan Strong, Christine DeVault, and Barbara W. Sayad. The Marriage and Family Experience (8th ed.). New York: Wadsworth, 2000. 14-3: Marital Power Sociologists Robert Blood, Jr. and Donald Wolfe developed the concept of marital power to describe the manner in which decision making is distributed within families. They defined power by examining who makes the final decision in each of eight important areas that, the researchers argue, traditionally have been reserved entirely for the husband or for the wife. These areas include what job the husband should take, what house or apartment to live in, where to go on vacation, and which doctor to use if there is an illness in the family. Recent research suggests that money plays a central role in determining marital power. Money has different meanings for members of each sex: For men it typically represents identity and power; for women, security and autonomy. Apparently, money establishes the balance of power not only for married couples but also for unmarried heterosexual couples who are living together. Married women with paying work outside the home enjoy greater marital power than full-time homemakers do. Labor not only enhances women’s self-esteem but also increases their marital power because some men have greater respect for women who work at paying jobs. Sociologist Isik Aytac studied a national sample of households in the United States and found that husbands of women holding management positions share more of the domestic chores than do other husbands. In addition, as a wife’s proportional contribution to the family income increases, her husband’s share of meal preparation increases. Aytac’s research supports the contention that the traditional division of labor at home can change as women’s position in the labor force improves and women gain greater marital power. Comparative studies have revealed the complexity of marital power issues in other cultures. For example, anthropologist David Gilmore examined decision making in two rural towns in southern Spain. These communities, one with 8,000 residents and the other with 4,000, have an agricultural economy based on olives, wheat, and sunflowers. Gilmore studied a variety of decision-making situations, including prenuptial decisions over household location, administration of domestic finances, and major household purchases. He found that working-class women in these communities, often united with their mothers, are able to prevail in many decisions despite opposition from their husbands. Interestingly, wives’ control over finances in these towns appears to lessen with affluence. Among the wealthier peasants, husbands retain more rights over the family purse strings, especially in terms of bank accounts and investments. In some cases, they make investments without their wives’ knowledge. By contrast, in the working class, where surplus cash is uncommon and household finances are often based on borrowing and buying on credit because of the uncertainties of household employment, the wife “rules” the household economy, and the husband accepts her rule. Sources: Isik A. Aytac, “Wife’s Decision-Making at Work and Contribution to Family Income as Determinate of How Domestic Chores Are Shared.” Paper presented at the annual meeting of the Eastern Sociological Society, Boston, 1987; Robert O. Blood, Jr., and Donald M. Wolfe. Husbands and Wives: The Dynamics of Married Living. New York: Free Press, 1960; Philip Blumstein and Pepper Schwartz. American Couples: Money, Work, Sex. New York: Morrow, 1983; Deborah D. Godwin and John Scanzoni, “Couple-Consensus during Marital Joint Decision-Making: A Context, Process, Outcome Model,” Journal of Marriage and the Family 31 (November 1983): 943–956; Gladis Kaufman, “Power Relations in Middle-Class American Families,” Wisconsin Sociology 22 (Winter 1985): 13–23. 14-4: The Tradition of the “Bride Price” “Ali Eski and Nuran Aydogmus were young and very much in love and wanted to get married, but their families could not agree on the ‘bride price,’ so they committed suicide.” So began a story in the New York Times late in 1980. The tradition of the bride price has persisted for many centuries in Turkish culture, particularly in certain rural areas in which age-old values remain dominant. In this case, the young woman’s father insisted on a price of 100,000 liras (about $1,100) before he would consent to the marriage. Ali Eski’s family offered 30,000 liras in advance and the rest in a promissory note, a common practice in the area, but their offer was rejected. The tragic death of 22-year-old Ali Eski and 16-year-old Nuran Aydogmus led to a new debate over this cultural practice. Many urban young people and intellectuals attacked the bride price, arguing that it treats women as commodities to be bought and sold. But older rural people defended the custom as a guarantee of a prospective bride’s virginity; in addition, a special commission established by the Turkish government to study the issue filed a report generally favoring the bride price. As a result, this custom continues to be a part of Turkish culture. See Marvin Howe, “Couple’s Suicide over ‘Bride Price’ Shocks Turks,” New York Times (December 21, 1980): 24. 14-5: Steps to Prevent Domestic Violence The following five steps have been identified as useful in trying to prevent domestic violence: 1. Eliminate the norms that legitimize violence in society and the family. The elimination of spanking as a child-rearing technique, gun control to get deadly weapons out of the home, the elimination of the death penalty, the elimination of corporal punishment in schools, and the elimination of media violence are all necessary steps. 2. Reduce violence-provoking stress created by society. Reducing poverty, inequality, and unemployment, and providing adequate housing, nutrition, medical and dental care, and educational opportunities could reduce stress in families. 3. Integrate families into a network of families and the community. Reducing social isolation could reduce stress and increase the ability of families to manage stress. 4. Change the sexist character of society. Sexual inequality, perhaps more than economic inequality, makes violence possible in the home. The elimination of the separation of men’s work from women’s work would be a major step toward equality inside and outside the home. 5. Break the cycle of violence in the family. Violence cannot be prevented as long as we are taught it is acceptable to hit the people we love. Physical punishment of children is perhaps the most effective means of teaching violence, and eliminating it would be an important step in violence prevention. See Richard J. Gelles, “Family Violence.” In Craig Calhoun and George Ritzer (eds.). Introduction to Social Problems. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1993, pp. 553–571 (see especially p. 568). Also see Murray A. Straus, Richard J. Gelles, and Suzanne K. Steinmetz. Behind Closed Doors: Violence in the American Family. Garden City, NY: Doubleday/Anchor, 1980. 14-6: Endogamy and Exogamy For students raised in the United States, it may be difficult to understand just how powerful rules of exogamy and endogamy can be. Many of the traditional rules of endogamy in the United States—barring marriages and romantic relationships across racial, ethnic, and religious groups—have faded in influence during the past half-century. The key rule of exogamy in the U.S.—an incest taboo against romantic involvement among close relatives—is so engrained in our culture that it seems more like a law of nature than a socially constructed rule. Introducing students to rules governing marriage choice from other cultures can better demonstrate the enormous power that these regulations can have, and the legal and social controversies they can create. South Korea For many centuries, the South Korean government enforced rules of exogamy that prevented countless couples from marrying, solely based on their surnames and ancestral homes. Until 1997 it was illegal for two people with the same surname, who also originated from the same ancestral clan, to marry. Given the small number of surnames in South Korea, this law eliminated a great number of marriage possibilities. It is estimated that 55 percent of South Korea’s population shares just five surnames (Kim, Park, Lee, Choi, and Chong), and that almost 40 percent of the population has their ancestry in one of three clans. When the law was originally enacted 700 years ago, it may have served as a useful check against incest. Today, however, very few people who share the same surname and clan are more than distantly related from a biological standpoint. During the past century, many thousands of South Koreans have been negatively impacted by this ancient law. Some of these dongbohn couples ended their romantic relationships before marriage, upon discovering that they were “family.” Others had informal weddings and lived together as husband and wife, but could not gain legal recognition of that marriage. In addition to the social stigma they may suffer, such couples could not qualify for family tax breaks or insurance plans. At several points during past three decades, informally married dongbohn couples have been granted a temporary amnesty period during which they can register their marriages, thus making them legal. In addition, the law against dongbohn marriages itself was finally overturned in 1997. Even so, in the eyes of many South Koreans, dongbohn relationships still violate traditional Confucian standards of incest. It is expected that for the foreseeable future, a social stigma against dongbohn couples will still keep many Kims, Parks, Lees, Chois, and Chongs from finding true love among other Kims, Parks, Lees, Chois, and Chongs. Taiwan Arthur Wolf’s classic study of historical marriage patterns in Taiwan—Marriage and Adoption in China, 1845-1945—brings to light a social context in which incest taboos kept many married couples from developing a sexual interest in one another, even without a biological relationship between them. Before 1945, it was not uncommon for a set of parents to select a bride for their son at a very young age, often when the “bride” was still an infant. The bride immediately moved in with her “in-laws,” and was raised by them much in the same way that they would raise a daughter. At some point after the son and adopted daughter-in-law passed through puberty, they would be expected to marry and begin a sexual relationship. But the prospective bride and groom often protested, and not infrequently refused to marry altogether. It was not the notion of an arranged marriage to which they were opposed, since arranged marriages were standard practice at this time. Moreover, there was no general social disapproval of marriages between sons and adopted-daughters-in-law. Rather, Wolf argues that since an adopted daughter-in-law was essentially raised as a sister to her future groom, by the time of the marriage both parties had developed the same sort of sexual aversion to one another that biological siblings do. There is ample additional evidence to bolster this claim. Among adopted sisters-in-law who married their intended grooms, fertility rates were much lower than for other women. Divorce rates among couples raised in the same household were also much higher than for most others, even though an adopted daughter-in-law would often develop very close relationships with her in-laws, compared to tenuous or non-existent ties to her birth family. Wolf’s study demonstrates in a powerful way that the incest taboo is very much a socially constructed norm, to the point that it can create sexual avoidance between people who are not biologically related. Sources used for this essay and additional reading ideas include: Michael Baker, “South Korea Ends a Taboo, Strikes Blow for True Love,” Christian Science Monitor. (August 4, 1997); Korea Herald, “Saving the Marriage Ban?” (November 29, 1999); Sangwon Suh and Jane L. Lee, “A Relative Improvement,” Asiaweek. 22 (January 19, 1996); Sheryl WuDunn, “Love in the Land of Kims,” Vancouver Sun (September 13, 1996); Arthur Wolf and Chieh-shan Huang. Marriage and Adoption in China, 1845-1945. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1980. 14-7: Single Mothers and Society The societal concern with unwed mothers is an excellent illustration of the labeling perspective at work. For example, is a woman in her thirties who chooses to become pregnant for the first time and have her child considered a part of a “social problem”? Is a married mother aged 17 part of a “social problem”? Is it a problem of age or marital status or both? The power of labeling can also be seen in terminology popularly used to refer to these issues: broken, disrupted, unfit, illegitimate, unadjusted, unsuitable, or bastard, as compared with intact, nuclear, or stable. More specifically, this labeling is another example of the type of stereotyping that sociologist Erving Goffman has referred to as stigmatization. By definition when we so stigmatize people, they are not quite so human. It allows us the luxury of planning for them and not with them, as in the debate over welfare policies. Goffman argues that in stigmatization, we construct stigma theory, an ideology to explain someone’s inferiority and account for the alleged danger it represents. Many speeches concerning unwed mothers and welfare emphasize this danger. In the context of the 1992 South Central Los Angeles riots, then-Vice President Dan Quayle condemned Murphy Brown, the central character in a popular television program, for having a baby outside of marriage. Her actions in this fictional story line represented to Quayle a violation of family values and reinforced the media’s endorsement of unmarried mothers who presumably were less equipped to raise and watch over children, and thus unable to prevent the kind of lawlessness that concerned so many during the riots. In colonial America, the social problem was defined as that of being a “bastard.” A child born out of wedlock became a public charge, and for the small, rural communities of the early colonies this was a financial hardship aside from any moral concerns. Punishing women who bore such children by whipping was not unusual, and often the punishments were administered in public. Many of the laws did apply to both men and women, but the latter were more likely to be convicted because their relationship to the child was, of course, more clear, and they were less likely to have property that would allow them to pay fines and avoid being whipped. While this may seem harsh, the early United States was, in fact, more open-minded than Europe in these matters. In this country the concept of child protection (i.e., not punishing the child for being born out of wedlock) took hold. Also, the United States first recognized both common-law marriages and the possibility that illegitimate children could have some legal rights relevant to the property of their parents. In England, for example, the concept of filius nullius, “a child of no one,” legally prevailed for a longer time than in the United States (Luker 1996:19–20). In the United States during the late nineteenth century, immigration and urbanization made it increasingly difficult for a Gemeinschaft community (where everyone knows one another) to assume responsibility for unwed mothers and their children. In 1883, the Florence Crittenton Homes were founded as refuges for “fallen women” or prostitutes. Within a few years, their function was expanded, and they also took in unwed mothers. It is not hard to see both the labeling and stigmatization taking place here. Sociologist W.E.B. Du Bois in 1909 noted that there were seven homes for African-American women as well as one Crittenton home reserved for that purpose. The discussions about poverty and single parents are almost always intertwined with questions of race. Many people immediately think of “unwed mothers” or “babies having babies” as African American. Although the image is not totally false—African Americans do account for a disproportionate share of births to teenagers and unmarried women—the majority of all babies born to unmarried teenage mothers are born to Whites. In addition, since 1985, birthrates among unmarried White teens have been increasing rapidly, while those among unmarried Black teens have been largely stable. Other myths concerning unwed mothers relate specifically to welfare. Sociologist Ruth Sidel notes that: • Virtually all social science studies indicate that over four-fifths of teenage pregnancies are unintended. • From 1975 to 1994, the average AFDC benefit per family measured in constant dollars (i.e., accounting for inflation) dropped by 37 percent. • There is no state where welfare benefits plus food stamps bring the recipient families up to even the minimum of the federal poverty line. • Seventy-one percent of adult AFDC recipients have recent work histories, and almost half of the families who leave welfare do so to work. The Center on Social Welfare and Law in a 1996 report clarified some other frequently held notions concerning welfare. In their report they found the following: • Concerning welfare dependency, fewer than half of welfare families are on the public assistance rolls for more than three years. • Being on public assistance is not automatically intergenerational. Most women on welfare did not receive welfare as children (Pollitt 1996). Is there a direct relationship among low-income people between the number of babies and the size of welfare checks? The answer is presumably relevant to those who argue that maintaining or increasing subsidies to unmarried mothers only serves to increase “illegitimacy.” The pattern in the United States and other industrial nations is that governments are cutting back on welfare provisions because of the tightening global economy, while out-of-wedlock births have actually increased. In the United States, the real value of a welfare check has declined since 1973, even as women of all age groups have chosen more often to become single mothers. Worldwide, the industrial nation that has witnessed the sharpest increase in the proportion of babies born to unwed mothers has been Great Britain, which has also instituted conservative antiwelfare policies. Much of the concern, as noted earlier, reflects labeling. “Babies having babies” is labeled as a problem in the United States, but would it be better to have more abortions? Research suggests that young people in the United States are about as likely to be sexually active as their counterparts in Great Britain, France, Germany, and Scandinavia. Yet, in other nations they are more likely to seek an abortion. So, from a labeling perspective, if one is concerned about abortion, the situation in the United States is much less of a problem. Of course, the real question may be why are people who are unprepared to be parents having sex, or at least unprotected sex, in the first place. Sociologist Kristin Luker (1996:11) in Dubious Conceptions, draws upon two decades of social science research to conclude: “The short answer to why teenagers get pregnant and especially why they continue those pregnancies is that a fairly substantial number of them just don’t believe what adults tell them, be it about sex, contraception, marriage, or babies. They don’t believe in adult conventional wisdom. This is not because they are defiant or because they are developmentally too immature to process the information (although many are one or the other and some are both), but because the conventional wisdom is not in accord with the world they see around them. When adults talk to teenagers, they draw on a lived reality that is now ten, twenty, thirty, forty or more years out of date. But today’s teenagers live in a world whose demographic, social, economic, and sexual circumstances are almost unimaginable to older generations. Unless we can begin to understand that world, compete with its radically new circumstances, most of what adults tell teenagers will be just blather.” Another way of viewing this difficulty in communicating across generations is to view it in what sociologist William S. Ogburn termed culture lag. Many elements in our society, including both people and social institutions, refuse to adjust to the profound social changes, such as family formation and pregnancy that have occurred during the latter half of the twentieth century. From a feminist perspective the welfare debate certainly qualifies as “blaming the victim.” African-American sociologist Patricia Hill Collins notes that the tendency to view Black women matriarchally, as the sole positive influence in otherwise dysfunctional households, also leads to blaming them for the failure of their children and for the continuance of poverty intergenerationally. Emphasizing the need to get welfare women jobs also seems to undermine the importance of parenting, producing the irony of trying to strengthen the household economically while undermining the family’s integrity. The discussion about single mothers and welfare has changed in the last 20 years. In the 1970s, conservatives wanted teens to be less active sexually, to have fewer abortions, and to contribute less to the growing AFDC rolls. Liberals sought to have women regain control over their reproductive destinies and economic future. Increasingly, conservatives were joined by what has been termed the “New Right,” which saw the issue in moral terms. Today, according to Luker, the debate over early childbearing has become more heated due to the slowdown in economic growth and greater disparity between rich and poor. Liberals argue that society should make a greater investment in teenage mothers through training programs and education, but this approach ignores the multiple problems (violence, poverty, racism, a history of sexual abuse or domestic violence, and underequipped schools) that so many bring with them. In this social context, training programs have very real limits. Luker defends the need for better public funding of contraception and improved sex education. But she cautions that if trends continue (the number of sexually active teenagers doubled between 1970 and 1990) there may be only modest improvement in delaying childbirth. Sources: Patricia Hill Collins. Black Feminist Thought: Knowledge, Consciousness, and the Politics of Empowerment. Boston: Unwin Hyman, 1990; Erving Goffman. Stigma: Notes on Management of a Spoiled Identity. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall, 1963; Kristin Luker. Dubious Conceptions: The Politics of Teenage Pregnancy. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1996; Katha Pollitt, “Subject to Debate,” The Nation 259 (July 11, 1994): 45; Pollitt. “Just the Facts,” The Nation 262 (June 24, 1996): 9; and Ruth Sidel. Keeping Women and Children Last. New York: Penguin Books, 1996. 14-8: Inheriting Divorce Are the children of divorced couples more likely to become divorced themselves? The answer appears to be in the affirmative, but the reasons are complex. Sociologist Paul Amato analyzed longitudinal data to determine the extent of intergenerational transmission of divorce. Data came from the Study of Marriage Over the Life Course, which consisted of telephone interviews with a national sample of 2,033 married persons who were 55 years old and younger in 1980. They were then interviewed again, in keeping with a longitudinal analysis, in 1983, 1988, and 1992. Based on these data, parental divorce is associated with increased risk of offspring divorce, especially when the wives or both spouses have experienced the dissolution of their parents’ marriage. This association is true in second marriages, as well as in the initial marriages. The age of offspring at marriage, cohabitation, socioeconomic attainment, and prodivorce attitudes have only modest impact on the estimated effect of parental divorce. In contrast, a series of interpersonal behaviors offers the largest share of explanation. Among interpersonal behaviors, Amato includes problems with anger, jealousy, hurt feelings, communication, infidelity, and so forth. These findings suggest that parental divorce elevates the risk of offspring divorce by increasing the likelihood that children will exhibit behaviors that interfere with the maintenance of a mutually rewarding marriage relationship. Adult children from divorces are exposed to poor models of two-person behavior and may not learn the skills and attitudes that facilitate functioning in a dyadic social relationship. Similarly, children of divorce may be predisposed to develop traits, such as a lack of trust or an inability to commit, that lead to disharmony. See Paul Amato, “Explaining the Intergenerational Transmission of Divorce,” Journal of Marriage and the Family 58 (August 1996): 628–640. 14-9: Joint Marriage Rights The possibility of official recognition of marriages between same-sex individuals raises the possibility that the same legal and financial benefits traditionally enjoyed by married couples in the United States would be extended to gay and lesbian couples. Among those benefits are the following: • Entitlement to share in one another’s government benefits. • Joint insurance policies. • Joint tenancy in property ownership. • Inheritance rights. • Tax advantages. • Hospital visitation rights. • The right to make medical decisions for a partner. • Family leave to care for a sick partner. • Confidentiality of conversations. • Wrongful-death benefits. • Immigration for foreign partners. • Domestic violence protection orders. • Joint parental custody. • Divorce rights; alimony. See “Equal Treatment Is Real Issue—Not Marriage,” USA Today (December 9, 1996): 12A. 14-10: Housework within Lesbian and Gay Households The recognition that family structures are variable has led social scientists to begin exploring some previously overlooked variations. Combining interviews and observation research, sociologist Christopher Carrington conducted a study of the housework of 52 “lesbigay” households (26 lesbian households and 26 gay men’s households). Carrington looked at couples who had been in relationships at least two years. The housework considered included cleaning, taking care of pets and plants, yard work, laundry, and household paperwork. In general, housework is often taken for granted or designated as an unfortunate part of family life. Rarely in the United States is daily housework viewed in a positive light. However, the research suggested that participating in housework helps “lesbigays” develop a stronger sense of themselves as families, “maintaining our yard and building.” “Lesbigay” couples with more resources were able to invest more money and time into the housework. Carrington found such couples to have developed more of an identity as a family. See Christopher Carrington, “Housework Among Lesbigay Families: Sociological Variation in the Extent and Character of Housework.” Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Sociological Association, New York, 1996. CLASSROOM DISCUSSION TOPICS 14.1 Stimulating Classroom Discussions about Unequal Childhoods: Class, Race, and Family Life: Questions for stimulating a classroom discussion about Annette Lareau’s book include these: What does Lareau mean when she refers to “concerted cultivation”? Why do you think middle-class families are so concerned about providing “organized leisure activities” for their children? In what ways might these activities end up being advantageous or disadvantageous for them? In what ways has your race or social class background shaped the relationships in your family? 14.2 Family History: A useful project is explained in Susan Aminoff, “The Family History Exercise: Developing Positive Awareness in Culturally Diverse College Classrooms,” Teaching Sociology 25 (April 1995): 155–158. 14.3 What Is a Marriage? Ask students to provide a definition of marriage that is universal— a definition that would include all types of marriages throughout our culture and throughout the world. This is a good exercise in critical thinking and understanding cultural and cross-cultural variations. Do marriages need to be between two people? Between members of different sexes? Legally consummated? Based on law? Permanent? Based on love? Involve children? Have religious sanction? Involve sexual relationships? After these and other issues have been discussed, try to explain what is left—what is at the core of a universal definition of marriage. 14.4 The Marriage Contract—A Class Activity: Assign students to write a hypothetical marriage contract. Encourage them to be creative, but realistic. You might then put them into small groups to discuss the “terms” of their contracts. (Note: Even married students should write the contract. Just tell them to write it as if they were single.) 14.5 Extraordinary Groups: For brief, but informative discussions of the family and other institutions in Amish, Oneida, Father Divine, Gypsy, Shaker, Mormon, and modern commune communities, see William M. Kephart and William W. Zellner. Extraordinary Groups. (7th ed.). New York: Worth, 2000. 14.6 Family Rituals: See Diane E. Levy, “Teaching Family Ritual: Sunday, Sausage, and Solidarity,” Teaching Sociology 20 (October 1992): 311–313. Homogamy: This activity shows graphically how a culture narrows mate choice. See Eileen O’Brian and Lara Foley, “The Dating Game,” Teaching Sociology 27 (April 1999): 145-149. 14.7 Families in Poverty: See Jonathan Kozol. Amazing Grace: The Lives of Children and the Conscience of a Nation. New York: HarperPerennial, 1996. See also Alex Kotlowitz. There Are No Children Here: The Story of Two Boys Growing Up in the Other America. New York: Anchor, 1991. 14.8 Speakers: Invite a marriage therapist or counselor to speak to the class about problems couples face in a traditional marriage. 14.9 Good Marriages: Have students read sections of Judith S. Wallerstein and Sandra Blakeslee. The Good Marriage: How and Why Love Lasts. New York: Houghton Mifflin, 1995. The book takes a positive approach to what variables seem to make for good, thriving marriages. 14.10 Families in the Future: In this discussion, developed by Susan M. Alexander, students think about their future work and family plans, and, in doing so, make projections about the future shape of the American family. See Marybeth C. Stalp and Julie Childers (eds.). Teaching Sociological Concepts and the Sociology of Gender. Washington, DC: American Sociological Association, 2000, p. 30. 14.11 Using Humor: Joseph E. Faulkner has produced a monograph that includes funny examples that could be incorporated into lectures associated with Chapter 12. See Chapters 8-9 in Faulkner, Sociology Through Humor. New York: West, 1987. This book is out of print, but used copies are readily available. TOPICS FOR STUDENT RESEARCH AND CLASSROOM DISCUSSION 1. Ask students to identify the various ways technology has affected the composition of the family, and discuss how future technological innovations could further change family functions. 2. Ask students to compile a list of factors they would want their parents to consider if they were entering into an arranged marriage, and discuss how certain cultures criticize our rationale of romantic love for marriage. 3. Ask students to report on their opinions about using the Internet for finding a mate, and discuss whether such technology is being used as a primary or secondary relationship factor. 4. Ask students to search for evidence regarding any association between marital happiness and cohabitation, and discuss why some couples may choose marriage instead of cohabitation. 5. Ask students to discuss various social barriers that may be intentionally designed to discourage men from actively caring for children of divorce. Instructor Manual for Sociology Richard T. Schaefer 9780078026669