CH-7-8 Deviance, Crime, and Social Control – Sociology in Modules : Chapter Notes

This Document Contains Chapters 7 to 8 CHAPTER 7 DEVIANCE, CRIME, AND SOCIAL CONTROL CHAPTER SUMMARY The term social control refers to techniques and strategies for preventing deviant human behavior. Social control occurs in families, peer groups, and bureaucratic organizations. Members of society are expected to act in accordance with social norms. Sanctions, which may be either penalties or rewards, help to induce behavior consistent with social norms. Conformity is defined as going along with one’s peers even though they have no special right to direct our behavior. Obedience is defined as compliance with higher authorities in a hierarchal structure. Social controls may occur casually and informally through such means as smiles, laughter, and ridicule. Authorized agents, such as police officers, physicians, school administrators, employers, and military officers, carry out formal social control. Law is defined as governmental social control and reflects continually changing standards of what is right and wrong. Sociologists define deviance as behavior that violates the standards of conduct or expectations of a group or society. Deviance involves the violations of group norms that may or may not be formalized into law. It is a comprehensive concept that includes not only criminal behavior, but also many actions not subject to prosecution. Deviance can be understood only within its social context. The term stigma was coined by Erving Goffman to describe the labels society uses to devalue the members of certain social groups. People are often stigmatized for deviant behaviors they may no longer engage in. According to the functionalist view, deviance is a normal part of human existence. Functionalists suggest that deviance helps to define the limits of proper behavior. Robert Merton adapted Émile Durkheim’s notion of anomie to explain why people accept or reject the goals of a society. Merton’s theory posits five basic forms of adaptations: (1) conformity, (2) innovation, (3) ritualism, (4) retreatism, and (5) rebellion. Merton’s anomie theory, though popular, has had relatively few applications. The interactionist perspective is reflected in theories based on cultural transmission, social disorganization, and labeling. Cultural transmission, associated with criminologist Edwin Sutherland, suggests that criminal behavior is learned through interactions with others. He used the term differential association to describe the process through which exposure to attitudes favorable to criminal acts leads to violation of rules. Social disorganization theory suggests that deviance increases when communal relationships in neighborhoods and social networks are weakened or absent. Labeling theory emphasizes how a person comes to be labeled as deviant or to accept the label. Labeling theory is also referred to as the societal-reaction approach. The popularity of labeling theory is evident in the emergence of the social constructionist perspective, which purports that deviance is the product of the culture in which we live. Social constructionists focus on the decision-making process that creates the deviant identity. The conflict view of deviance suggests that people with power protect their own interests and define deviance to suit their own needs. Relating to differential justice, Richard Quinney argues that lawmaking is often an attempt by the powerful to coerce others into their own brand of morality. Akin to the roots of conflict theory, the feminist perspective suggests that deviance, including crime, tends to flow from economic relationships. Feminists suggest that cultural views and attitudes toward women influence how women are perceived and labeled. Crime represents a deviation from formal social norms administered by the state. Types of crime include professional crime, organized crime, white-collar and technology-based crime, corporate crime, transnational crime, and victimless crime. There has been a significant decline in violent crime in the United States. The accuracy of measuring crime and tabulating crime statistics varies widely. The National Crime Victimization Survey was initiated in 1972 to question ordinary people about crime victimization. RESOURCE INTEGRATOR Focus Questions Resources 1. What are the various means of social control? IN THE TEXT Key Terms: social control, sanctions, conformity, obedience, informal social control, formal social control, law, control theory Boxes: Sociology on Campus: Binge Drinking IN THE INSTRUCTOR’S MANUAL Additional Lecture Ideas: Ethical Implications of Milgram’s Research (7-1); Social Control on the Streets (7-2) Classroom Discussion Topics: Group Pressure (7-2); The Power of Authority (7-3); Field Trip to Prison (7-4); Public Opinion on Death Penalty (7-9) Student Research and Assignments: Obedience—Another Look; Labeling of People with AIDS; Labeling; Community Crime Watch Video Resources: Asylum; Bowling for Columbine; Death Devices; Deviance and Social Control; Obedience to Authority REEL SOCIETY VIDEO Topic Index: Conformity; Sanctions 2. How do sociologists define deviance? IN THE TEXT Key Terms: deviance, stigma IN THE INSTRUCTOR’S MANUAL Additional Lecture Ideas: Deviance or Sport (7-3); Primary and Secondary Deviance (7-4) Classroom Discussion Topics: Wallbangin (7-1); Conversing with Deviants (7-5); Deviance Is in the Eye of the Beholder (7-6); Which Acts are Deviant? (7-7); Positive Deviance (7-8) Student Research and Assignments: Labeling of People with AIDS; Labeling Video Resources: Deviance REEL SOCIETY VIDEO Topic Index: Deviance 3. How do functionalists, conflict theorists, feminists, and interactionists explain deviance? IN THE TEXT Key Terms: anomie, anomie theory of deviance, cultural transmission, differential association, social disorganization theory, labeling theory, societal-reaction approach, social constructionist perspective, differential justice Boxes: Research Today: Does Crime Pay? IN THE INSTRUCTOR’S MANUAL Additional Lecture Ideas: Discretionary Justice (7-5); Controversies about Campus Crime (7-6); Being a Hit Man (7-7) Classroom Discussion Topics: Wallbangin (7-1); Conversing with Deviants (7-5); Deviance Is in the Eye of the Beholder (7-6); Which Acts Are Deviant? (7-7); Positive Deviance (7-8) Student Research and Assignments: Labeling of People with AIDS; Labeling; Crime and Violence within the Hispanic Community; Blacks in Prisons; Race and Criminology; Rape Education Videos; White-Collar Crime Video Resources: Bowling for Columbine; Cops on Trial; Deadline; Race on Trial REEL SOCIETY VIDEO Topic Index: Anomie Theory of Deviance 4. What are the different types of crime? IN THE TEXT Key Terms: crime, index crime, victimless crime, professional criminal, organized crime, white-collar crime, transnational crime, victimless crime Boxes: Sociology on Campus: Campus Crime IN THE INSTRUCTOR’S MANUAL Additional Lecture Ideas: Controversies about Campus Crime (7-6); Being a Hit Man (7-7) Classroom Discussion Topics: Violent Juveniles (7-10); Ranking Crimes (7-11); Teaching about Sexual Assault (7-12); Campus Crime Statistics (7-13) Student Research and Assignments: White-Collar Crime Video Resources: State-Sponsored Terrorism; Terrorism; The Tarnished Shield 5. What are the major trends in crime statistics? IN THE TEXT Key Terms: victimization survey Boxes: Taking Sociology to Work: Stephanie Vezzani: Special Agent, US Secret Service IN THE INSTRUCTOR’S MANUAL Classroom Discussion Topics: Campus Crime Statistics (7-13) Topics and Sources for Student Research: U.S. Department of Justice LECTURE OUTLINE I. Social Control • Social control refers to the techniques and strategies for preventing deviant human behavior in any society. • Family and peers socialize individuals to social norms. Example: Dress codes mandate specific forms of dress for persons of different ages, social classes, etc. • Government legislates and enforces social norms. • Sanctions are penalties and rewards for conduct concerning a social norm. • Functionalists contend that people must respect social norms for society to function. By contrast, conflict theorists maintain that the functioning of society benefits the powerful and that social norms reflect the interests of the dominant class. A. Conformity and Obedience • Stanley Milgram defined conformity as going along with peers who have no particular right to direct our behavior. Milgram defined obedience as compliance with higher authorities in a hierarchal structure. Example: A military recruit who must follow the orders given by his or her commander. • In some circumstances, conformity and, especially, obedience can cause immense damage. Example: Milgram’s electric shock experiment: “Behavior that is unthinkable in an individual…acting on his own may be executed without hesitation when carried out under orders.” B. Informal and Formal Social Control • Informal social control is carried out casually by ordinary people through such means as laughter, smiles, and ridicule. Example: Parents may use spanking or verbal reprimands as punishment. • Formal social control is carried out by authorized agents, such as police officers, judges, school administrators, and employers. Example: Imprisonment, speeding tickets, the death penalty. C. Law and Society • Law is defined as governmental social control. • Some laws are directed at all members of society. Example: Laws prohibiting murder. Some laws affect particular categories of people. Example: Hunting and fishing regulations. Others govern social institutions. Example: Corporate laws. • Creation of law is a social process in response to perceived needs for formal social control. Example: Laws against gay marriage; laws against prostitution. • Hirschi’s control theory suggests that our connection to members of society leads us to systematically conform to society’s norms. II. Deviance A. What Is Deviance? • Deviance is defined as behavior that violates the standards of conduct or expectations of a group or society. Examples: Criminals, alcoholics, compulsive gamblers, and the mentally ill. • Deviance involves violation of group norms. • Deviance is not always negative. Example: Whistle blowers. • Deviance is subject to social definition within a particular society and at a particular time. 1. Deviance and Social Stigma • Erving Goffman coined the term stigma to refer to a label used to devalue members of certain social groups. Example: Redheads or short people. • People may be stigmatized for past behaviors. Examples: Ex-con, recovering alcoholic. 2. Deviance and Technology • Some socially tolerated forms of deviance can be found in the world of high technology. • Anonymity of the Internet allows for uncivil behaviors. Example: Hate speech. • Some deviant uses of technology are criminal. Examples: Software piracy and other black-market activities such as the possession or distribution of child pornography. B. Explaining Deviance • Early explanations centered on supernatural or genetic factors. • Sociologists reject any emphasis on genetic roots of crime and deviance. 1. Functionalist Perspective • Deviance is a common part of human existence. a. Durkheim’s Legacy • Durkheim viewed social control mechanisms as necessary to define acceptable behavior and contribute to social stability. Introduced the term anomie to describe a feeling one experiences when losing direction in society. Example: During periods of profound social change such as during the Industrial Revolution. • Kai Erikson’s study of Puritans illustrated boundary-maintenance functions of deviance. b. Merton’s Theory of Deviance • Adapted Durkheim’s notion of anomie to explain why people accept or reject the goals of society, and/or the socially approved means for fulfilling their aspirations. • People adapt in certain ways by either conforming to or deviating from cultural expectations. • Merton’s anomie theory of deviance posits five basic forms of adaptation. See Table 7-1. • Merton’s theory has had relatively few applications. 2. Interactionist Perspective • Emphasis on everyday behavior that is the focus of the interactionist perspective offers two explanations of crime: cultural transmission theory and routine activities theory. a. Cultural Transmission • Humans learn how to behave in social situations. • Edwin Sutherland’s differential association describes the process through which exposure to attitudes favorable to criminal acts leads to violation of rules. • Whether a person engages in an activity deemed proper or improper depends on frequency, duration, and importance of two types of social interaction (those endorsing deviant behavior and those promoting acceptance of social norms). People are more apt to engage in norm-defying behavior if they belong to a group or subculture that stresses deviant values (e.g., a street gang). • Critics charge Sutherland’s theory fails to explain first-time, impulsive deviance. b. Social Disorganization Theory • Contends that deviance and crime increase due to a breakdown in or absence of communal relationships and other social institutions such as the family, school, church, and local government. Example: Higher rates of social problems in areas with declining population and deteriorating buildings. • The theory does not account for viable, healthy organizations that persist in many troubled neighborhoods and appears to “blame the victim.” c. Labeling Theory • Seeks to explain why certain people are viewed as deviant, while others engaging in the same behavior are not. Example: Chambliss study of the Saints and Roughnecks. • Also called the societal-reaction approach. It is the response to an act, not the behavior itself, that determines deviance. Example: Assigning a “trouble-maker” to a program for the learning disabled; labeling someone an “addict,” or a “slow learner.” • Labeling theory focuses on regulatory agents (police, probation officers, psychiatrists, judges, teachers, etc.), who play a significant role in creating the deviant identity by designating certain people as deviant. Example: Racial profiling; laws which designate certain persons as “illegal” (i.e., laws regulating undocumented citizens). • Labeling does not fully explain why some people accept a label and others do not. • Labeling theory influenced the emergence of the social constructionist perspective, which suggests deviance is the product of the culture we live in. Examples: Being a “deadbeat dad” or a “single mother.” 3. Conflict Theory • People with power protect their own interests and define deviance to suit their own needs. • Richard Quinney suggests the criminal justice system serves the interests of the powerful. Lawmaking is an attempt by the powerful to coerce others into their own morality. Example: Victimless crimes. • Differential justice: Conflict theory suggests criminal suspects are treated differently on the basis of race, ethnicity, or social class. African Americans and Latinos are at a disadvantage in the justice system, both as juveniles and as adults. See Social Policy Section on application of the death penalty. • Differential justice may lead to increased violence and crime, as those who view themselves as victims of unfair treatment strike out, not against the powerful so much as against fellow victims. 4. Feminist Perspective • Some suggest that existing approaches to deviance and crime developed with only men in mind. Example: Earlier legal views on spousal rape, reflecting overwhelming male composition of state legislatures at the time. • Society tends to treat women in a stereotypical fashion. Cultural views and attitudes toward women influence how they are perceived and labeled. Example: Women with numerous/frequent sexual partners are subjected to greater scorn than promiscuous men. • Deviance, including crime, flows from economic relationships. Example: Traditionally, men have greater opportunity to commit crimes such as embezzlement and fraud. • As women assume more active and powerful roles, gender differences in deviance and crime are narrowing. III. Crime • Crime is a violation of criminal law for which some governmental authority applies formal penalties. • Index crimes are the eight types of crime that are tabulated each year by the FBI. They include murder, rape, robbery, and assault (all of which are violent crimes committed against people) and property crimes of burglary, theft, motor vehicle theft, and arson. A. Types of Crime 1. Victimless Crimes • The willing exchange among adults of widely desired, but illegal, goods and services. Examples: Prostitution, drug abuse, gambling. • Proponents of decriminalization are troubled by attempts to legislate a moral code for adults. These crimes are impossible to prevent, and an overburdened criminal justice system should concentrate on offenses with real victims. • Critics of decriminalization object to the notion that these crimes are “victimless.” Examples: Over-drinking, compulsive gambling, and illegal drugs cause personal and property damage. Prostitution reinforces idea that women are “toys” or objects to be used for men’s pleasure. Alcohol and drug abuse can lead to drunk driving, etc. 2. Professional Crime • Professional criminal (career criminal) is a person who pursues crime as a day-to-day occupation. Example: Burglary or safecracking. • They devote their entire working time to planning and executing crimes. They develop skilled techniques and enjoy a certain degree of status among other criminals. • Edward Sutherland (1937) offered pioneering insights into behavior of professional criminals by publishing an annotated account written by a professional thief. 3. Organized Crime • The work of a group that regulates relations between various criminal enterprises involved in illegal activities, including smuggling and sale of illegal drugs, prostitution, and gambling. • Organized crime is a secret activity that evades law enforcement. It takes over legitimate business, gains influence over labor unions, corrupts public officials, intimidates witnesses, and taxes merchants for protection services. • The global nature of organized crime can be found in the acts of transnational organized crime affiliates, whose criminal activities include drug and arms smuggling, money laundering, and trafficking in illegal immigrants and stolen goods. 4. White-Collar and Technology-Based Crime • White-collar crime: illegal acts committed in the course of business activities by affluent, “respectable” people. Examples: Income tax evasion, embezzlement, bribery. • Edwin Sutherland coined the term white-collar crime in 1939 in reference to individuals. The term has been broadened to include offenses by businesses and corporations. • Corporate crime is any criminal act by a corporation that is punishable by the government. It takes many forms and includes individuals, organizations, and institutions among its victims. Examples: Stock fraud and manipulation, accounting fraud, production of unsafe goods, environmental pollution, anticompetitive behavior, public health violations, and bribery and corruption. • Computer crime: High technology allows criminals to carry out embezzlement or electronic fraud, often leaving few traces. A 2009 study by the FBI White Collar Crime Center found over 270,000 Internet crimes are reported every year. • Convictions for such illegal acts do not generally harm a person’s reputation, status, or career aspirations as much as conviction for a street crime. 5. Transnational Crime • Crime that occurs across multiple national borders. Rather than concentrating on specific countries, international crime spans the globe. Examples: terrorism, trafficking in human beings (includes sex trade), trafficking in endangered species, drugs, and stolen art/antiquities. See Table 7-3 for types of transnational crime. • Not exclusive of other types of crime. Organized criminal networks are increasingly global. Technology facilitates illegal activities. Example: child pornography. B. Crime Statistics • Crime statistics are not as accurate or reliable as social scientists would like. 1. Understanding Crime Statistics a. Crime Rates • There has been a significant decline in violent crime nationwide. Some suggest as the reasons for the decline: a booming economy, community-oriented policing, gun control laws, and an increase in the prison population. • The proportion of major crimes committed by women has increased. Feminist scholars draw our attention to one significant countertrend: the proportion of major crimes committed by women has increased. However, violent crimes committed by women, which have never been common, have declined. b. Measuring Crime Rates • Measuring of crime rates is conducted several ways. • Crime Index: published annually by the FBI as part of the Uniform Crime Reports: includes statistics on murder, rape, robbery, assault, burglary, larceny-theft, motor vehicle theft, and arson. Disproportionately devoted to property crimes. • Limitation of official crime statistics: They include only crimes actually reported to law enforcement agencies. • National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS). Initiated in 1972, it is an annual report compiled by the Bureau of Justice Statistics. Based on interviews of over 84,000 U.S. households, asking ordinary people whether they were victims of specific crimes during the preceding year. 2. International Crime Rates • Violent crime rates are higher in the United States than in Western Europe. U.S. may place a greater individual emphasis on economic achievement. And, culture of the U.S. has long tolerated many forms of violence. • England, Italy, Australia, and New Zealand have higher rates of car theft. • Russia has experienced an increase in violent crime since the overthrow of the Communist party rule. IV. Social Policy and Social Control: The Death Penalty in the United States and Worldwide A. The Issue • Questions surrounding the death penalty, from supporters of capital punishment and critics, include: How can the government prevent the execution of innocent men and women? Is it right to resort to a punishment that imitates the crime it seeks to condemn? Is life in prison enough of a punishment for a truly heinous crime? B. The Setting • Today, the death penalty is still on the books in most states in the U.S. In other parts of the world, serious thought has been given to the ethical implications of the ultimate penalty. As of late 2010, 95 nations had renounced capital punishment, and many more use it only sparingly, if at all. Different sociological theories approach the issue in different ways. C. Sociological Insights 1. Functionalist Perspectice o Viewed from Émile Durkheim’s functionalist perspective, sanctions against deviant acts help to reinforce society’s standards of proper behavior. Supporters of capital punishment insist that fear of execution will prevent at least some criminals from committing serious offenses 2. Conflict Perspective o Conflict theorists counter that the persistence of social inequality in today’s society puts poor people at a disadvantage in the criminal justice system D. Policy Implications • Recently, policy initiatives have moved in two different directions.In several death penalty states, legislators are considering broadening the range of offenses for which convicted criminals may be sentenced to execution. In these states, child molesters who did not murder their victims could become eligible for the death penalty, along with certain repeat offenders. The countertrend, a movement away from the death penalty, is based on doubts about whether an execution can be carried out humanely. KEY TERMS Anomie Durkheim’s term for the loss of direction felt in a society when social control of individual behavior has become ineffective. Anomie theory of deviance Robert Merton’s theory of deviance as an adaptation of socially prescribed goals or of the means governing their attainment, or both. Conformity Going along with one’s peers—individuals of our own status who have no special right to direct our behavior. Control theory A view of conformity and deviance that suggests that our connection to members of society leads us to systematically conform to society’s norms. Crime A violation of criminal law for which some governmental authority applies formal penalties. Cultural transmission A school of criminology that argues that criminal behavior is learned through social interactions. Deviance Behavior that violates the standards of conduct or expectations of a group or society. Differential association A theory of deviance proposed by Edwin Sutherland that holds that violation of rules results from exposure to attitudes favorable to criminal acts. Differential justice Differences in the way social control is exercised over different groups. Formal social control Social control carried out by authorized agents, such as police officers, judges, school administrators, and employers. Index crimes The eight types of crime reported annually by the FBI in the Uniform Crime Reports: murder, rape, robbery, assault, burglary, theft, motor vehicle theft, and arson. Hate crime A criminal offense committed because of the offender’s bias against a race, religion, ethnic group, national origin, or sexual orientation. Also referred to as bias crime. Informal social control Social control carried out casually by ordinary people through such means as laughter, smiles, and ridicule. Labeling theory An approach to deviance that attempts to explain why certain people are viewed as deviants while others engaged in the same behavior are not. Law Governmental social control. Obedience Compliance with higher authorities in a hierarchical structure. Organized crime The work of a group that regulates relations among various criminal enterprises, including prostitution, gambling, and the smuggling and sale of illegal drugs. Professional criminal A person who pursues crime as a day-to-day occupation, developing skilled techniques and enjoying a certain degree of status among other criminals. Routine activities theory The notion that criminal victimization increases when motivated offenders and vulnerable targets converge. Sanction A penalty or reward for conduct concerning a social norm. Social constructionist perspective An approach to deviance that emphasizes the role of culture in the creation of the deviant identity. Social control The techniques and strategies for preventing deviant human behavior in any society. Social disorganization theory The theory that crime and deviance are caused by the absence or breakdown of communal relationships and social institutions. Societal-reaction approach Another name for labeling theory. Stigma A label used to devalue members of certain social groups. Transnational crime Crime that occurs across multiple national borders. Victimization survey A questionnaire or interview given to a sample of the population to determine whether people have been victims of crime. Victimless crime A term used by sociologists to describe the willing exchange among adults of widely desired, but illegal, goods and services. White-collar crime Illegal acts committed by affluent, “respectable” individuals in the course of business activities. ADDITIONAL LECTURE IDEAS 7-1: Ethical Implications of Milgram’s Research In Chapter 2 of the text we discussed some of the difficult ethical issues that confront social science researchers. While conducting his experiments on obedience to authority, Stanley Milgram was well aware that his study might leave subjects (especially those who had “shocked” others) with disturbing aftereffects. Thus, as part of the normal procedure for the project, each subject was informed that the “victim” had not actually received dangerous shocks, was carefully debriefed, and was given time to discuss the experiment with someone on Milgram’s staff. Obedient subjects were assured that their behavior was normal. Afterwards, they even had friendly meetings with unharmed “learners.” See Milgram. Obedience to Authority. New York: Harper & Row, 1975, p. 24. All subjects also received a follow-up questionnaire, which again allowed them to communicate their feelings about the experiment. Almost 84 percent stated that they were glad to have been in the study, while roughly 15 percent were neutral, and only 1.3 percent indicated negative feelings. In addition, 74 percent noted that they had learned something of personal importance from the experience. One subject wrote, “The experiment has strengthened my belief that man should avoid harm to his fellow man even at the risk of violating authority.” Another commented, “If this experiment serves to jar people out of complacency, it will have served its end” (195–196). These measures, while impressive, are not conclusive; the experiment still could have been harmful to participants who had to face their willingness to inflict pain on others. Therefore, Milgram had a psychiatrist examine 40 subjects of the experiment. None showed any indications of “traumatic reactions” (197). Yet even this test cannot guarantee that the same was true of the nearly 1,000 remaining participants in the obedience experiments. See Kenneth Ring et al., “Mode of Debriefing,” Representative Research in Social Psychology 1 (1970): 67–88. A troubling question underlies Milgram’s important research, and also applies, to a lesser extent, to the studies conducted by Solomon Asch. What are the long-range consequences of social science research that misleads, deceives, and may actually harm participants? If the public comes to believe that researchers are not sensitive to ethical issues—and will risk hurting subjects in the pursuit of knowledge—it may become increasingly difficult to recruit subjects for worthwhile and ethically scrupulous experiments. See Bem Allen. Social Behavior: Fact and Falsehood. Chicago: Nelson Hall, 1978, pp. 58–63. See also Diane Baumrind, “Some Thoughts on Ethics of Research,” American Sociologist 19 (June 1964): 421–423. 7-2: Social Control on the Streets Walking or standing on the sidewalk is legal. Or is it? In an effort to prevent behavior that some communities regard as undesirable, walking or standing in public places is now being subjected to sanctions. In the case of laws on vagrancy, these restrictions are not all new. The first full-fledged law against vagrancy was passed in England in 1349. Much of this early legislation was motivated by concern that people idly standing around might be carriers of disease. Many early statutes required such idle people to take jobs that might be available. Later statutes shifted from a concern with disease and idleness to a concern with criminal activities or people regarded as a “nuisance.” How does society define or come to label people as a “nuisance?” Obviously, not all people are equally likely to be subjected to such labeling. The homeless and young people come to mind as two groups that have been subjected to social control over their ability to stand or walk at certain times or in certain places. In the 1990s, curfew restrictions became increasingly popular, as some communities began banning unescorted young people from their streets and even prohibiting them from driving after prescribed hours. In many cases the curfew laws had been on the books for 50 years, but were only now enforced in an effort to reduce teenage crime. Certain shopping malls began banning unescorted young people out of concern that large groups of such youths were frightening away adults seeking to make purchases. Criminologist James Alan Fox is skeptical of most of the new curfew laws, because he has noted that most teenagers, whether law-abiding or delinquent, are asleep by the time the weekend curfew hour, usually midnight, begins. Yet some communities, such as New Orleans, have school-night curfews that begin as early as 8 PM. Limiting movement at night may not produce the desired outcome. Analysis of most juvenile crime shows it occurs around 3 PM, when school lets out and young people are still grouped together but without adult supervision. Obviously, efforts to prevent crime by restricting movement need to consider movement patterns. Sources used for this essay include: Fox Butterfield, “Successes Reported for Curfews, but Doubts Persist,” New York Times (June 3, 1996): A1, A13; William J. Chambliss, “A Sociological Analysis of the Law of Vagrancy,” Social Problems 12 (Summer 1964): 67-77; and David A. Savage, “Curfews Are Popular, but Results Mixed,” Los Angeles Times (June 1, 1996): A1, A19. 7-3: Deviance or Sport A type of athletic contest is the subject of a clash in interpretations as to whether it constitutes sport or violence. In question are two rival organizations, the Ultimate Fighting Championship and Extreme Fighting, which mount competitions between two combatants. These competitions take place in an octagonal ring surrounded by a chain-link fence, and the only rules are no eye-gouging or biting. Chokeholds, headbutts, and rabbit punches to the brain stem are legal. So are knees to the throat and elbows to the kidney. The fight is over when a doctor intervenes or when a fighter “taps out,” slamming a hand repeatedly on the mat. Although live audiences to such events, called “extreme fighting,” are limited, up to 350,000 households watched the “competition” between Dan “The Beast” Severn and “The Russian Bear” Oleg Taktarov at home on pay-per-view TV. Several states and cities have passed legislation banning such events, and as word spreads more are considering that option. The stated purpose of such events is to determine which form of the martial arts—judo, kickboxing, tae kwon do, jujitsu, kung fu, or another discipline—is superior. Supporters defend this type of competition and note that it pays off financially. They argue that football is more violent and that the critics are elitist, merely reflecting their negative opinion of the millions of people in the United States who compete in the martial arts. The issues are not really new. What is defined as deviant in the realm of sport and entertainment? In different cultures boxing, bullfighting, and cockfighting are variously cheered on or seen as criminal and barbaric. Even more popular is the WWE, World Wrestling Entertainment, which regularly features spectacles of outrageous proportion, including wrestlers urinating on one another; forcing another wrestler to drink one’s chewed tobacco; pouring “vomit” over someone’s head; forcing someone (usually a woman) to walk on all fours and bark like a dog; as well as graphic simulations of sexual acts. This “sport” remains incredibly popular among many Americans, especially young men. Some parents even bring their young children to see the show. Sources: James Brooke, “Modern-Day Gladiators Head for Denver, but the Welcome Mat Is Rolled Up,” New York Times (December 10, 1995): 12; Andrea Stone, “Fans See Fun in Brawls Where Anything Goes,” USA Today (December 16, 1995): A1, A2. See Wrestling with Manhood: Boys, Bullying, and Battering (Media Education Foundation, 2003, 60 minutes). 7-4: Primary and Secondary Deviance Edwin Lemert has offered a useful clarification of the labeling approach. He distinguishes between primary and secondary deviance. Primary deviance is the rationalized violation of rules that define acceptable behavior. A person who abuses alcohol temporarily after the death of a loved one or after a business failure is generally not regarded as deviant. Similarly, a college student who uses cocaine once to find out what his or her friends are talking about will probably not be regarded as a “drug abuser.” Excused or undetected deviant acts do not generate the self-image of a “delinquent” or a “criminal” and may involve the use of techniques of neutralization. Lemert argues that if people who are in a position to apply socially respected labels learn of deviant behavior, an act of deviance will take on a much different meaning. Secondary deviance occurs when a person has been labeled as “deviant.” This labeling arises more frequently when a person engages in repeated acts of misconduct. As a result of the labeling process, the person may reorganize his or her life around this new deviant status and thus embark on a life of norm-violating behavior. For example, suppose that an adolescent boy is brought before a court and charged with his first offense, shoplifting. He may regard the experience with fear and awe at the time. But if he is “let off” based on his previous good conduct, the memory of the court appearance will fade. The act thus remains one of primary deviance: the boy is labeled a “good kid” who “made a mistake.” Suppose, however, that he is bitterly condemned by his family and rejected by his friends. If the youth perceives that he is being viewed as a delinquent, he may begin to see himself that way. Once he accepts this self-image, the incident is transformed into one of secondary deviance. Lemert’s work emphasizes the process of developing a deviant identity over time, just as one can gradually accept the identity of “born leader” or “class clown.” See Edwin Lemert. Social Psychology. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1951. See also Lemert. Human Deviance: Social Problems and Social Control. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall, 1967. 7-5: Discretionary Justice Conflict theorists contend that social control is applied differentially to different suspects because of the suspects’ social class backgrounds, nationality, or race. In a 1988 report by the Bureau of Justice Statistics, summarized below in tabular form, discretionary practices were outlined at various levels of the criminal justice system. Source: Department of Justice. Report of the Nation on Crime and Justice (2nd ed.). Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1988. (190) DISCRETION WITHIN THE CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM CRIMINAL JUSTICE OFFICIALS DISCRETIONARY POWERS Police • Enforce specific laws • Investigate specific crimes • Search people, vicinities, buildings • Arrest or detain people Prosecutors • File charges or petitions for judicial decision • Seek indictments • Drop cases • Reduce charges • Recommend sentences Judges or magistrates • Set bail or conditions for release • Accept pleas • Determine delinquency • Dismiss charges • Impose sentences • Revoke probation Probation officers • File pre-sentence reports • Recommend sentences Correctional officials • Assign people to type of correctional facility • Award privileges • Punish for disciplinary infractions Parole authorities • Determine date and conditions of parole • Revoke parole 7-6: Controversies about Campus Crime Crime committed on college campuses—and the rights of students and parents to know about it—has been a controversial issue in recent years. Campus crime rates are not necessarily higher than off-campus crime rates in the same city. However, in the past some colleges and universities have allegedly tried to conceal as much information about campus crime as possible, in order not to scare away students and parents. Parents and students, on the other hand, feel they have the right to know about campus crimes, both so that they can make an informed choice of colleges and universities, and so that students can best protect themselves once there. In the past, it was easy for schools to hide information about campus crimes, since federal laws did not require them to make these records public. Since 1991, however, the Clery Act has mandated that they must keep a publicly available log of all criminal acts committed on campus. This includes everything from alcohol violations, to thefts, to murders. Implementation of the Clery Act has been anything but smooth. College and university administrators complain that the reporting laws are extremely vague, and that they lack clear guidelines for complying with them. Administrators have also complained that the public logs they must keep omit a great deal of information that might shape the public’s interpretation of crime rates on their campus. When comparing crime statistics across different campuses, a reader may have little information about the socio-demographic context of the campus. In an example offered by one administrator, a commuter campus with no on-campus residences is far less likely to have a problem with date rape than a campus with a large dormitory system, simply because date rape often happens in residences. Without information about the size of a university’s dormitory system, a reader may unknowingly make apple-and-orange comparisons regarding sexual assault rates on various campuses. Advocates of more open crime records have also accused some colleges and universities of purposefully failing to comply with the law, by reporting crimes in a way that makes them appear as benign as possible. Regardless of intent, it is clear that colleges and universities are not uniform in the way that they report campus crimes. At some colleges and universities, for example, any crime reported to the police or to university officials is included in the public log. On other campuses, it is only those crimes that are actually investigated that are included in the log (Collison 1993; Honan 1998; Hartle 2001). Another continuing controversy involves crimes that are adjudicated through campus disciplinary committees, rather than through the criminal justice system. Under the Clery Act, educational institutions are not required to provide the public with statistics on the content or outcome of these hearings, even though they can involve crimes as serious as rape or assault. Thus, a university that adjudicates many of its campus crimes internally can still hide a great deal of crime from parents, students, and the public. During the 1990s several journalist groups tried to force public colleges and universities to share information on campus disciplinary proceedings more openly, arguing that these proceedings are no different from the other kinds of meetings and procedures that are typically required to be part of the public record. In 2002, however, a federal court ruling made these efforts moot. It ruled that all personally identifying information from campus disciplinary hearings is protected under the FERPA Act, which bans educational institutions from making public any information about a student’s educational record without his or her written consent. While colleges and universities can still release information about disciplinary proceedings as long as victims and perpetrators are not identified, the ruling makes it unlikely that advocacy groups will be able to force them to do so. Given their concern about reputation, few schools are expected to begin providing this information on a voluntary basis. Moreover, some fear that the ruling will encourage administrators to pressure crime victims into adjudicating their complaints through university channels, so the school can preserve an image of safety with the public (Carter 2000; Gose 2002; Honan 1998; Kirtley 1997). Sources used for this essay include: Daniel S. Carter, “Covering Crime on College Campuses,” Quill 88 (September 2000): 32-35; Michelle N-K. Collison, “Skepticism About Low Crime Rates Reported by Institutions,” Chronicle of Higher Education 39 (February 17, 1993); Ben Gose, “Court Says Colleges Can’t Release Files from Student Judicial Hearings,” Chronicle of Higher Education 48 (July 12, 2002); Terry Hartle, “Toward a Better Law on Campus Crime,” Chronicle of Higher Education 47 (August 12, 2001); William Honan, “Education Department Sues Universities Over Disclosure of Crime Records,” New York Times (February 4, 1998); Jane Kirtley, “Shedding Light on Campus Crime,” American Journalism Review 19 (July-August 1997). 7-7: Being a Hit Man Homicide violates a serious norm that is sanctioned with prison sentences and under some circumstances, with the death of the assailant. People who kill in a hot-blooded burst of passion can draw some comfort from the law, which provides lighter punishments for killings performed without premeditation or intent. But what about someone who kills repeatedly and intentionally, aware that these acts of homicide are unlawful? Ken Levi interviewed, over a four-month period, a self-styled “hit man” (referred to as “Pete from Detroit”) who was serving a prison sentence. Being a hit man might seem to be a life without responsibility to society’s norms. But Pete emphasizes that he is strictly governed by a contract, and failure to fulfill it carries severe penalties. Pete and other hit men insist on big money because they know that less “professional” hired killers (such as drug addicts) who offer to work for low fees often receive a bullet for their pains. It is believed that people who would kill for so little would also require little persuasion to make them talk to the police. Therefore, his and other hit men’s reputation for charging high fees is functional; it helps them to carry out their tasks successfully and, not incidentally, to remain alive. An important way for “freelance” hit men to view their work as appropriate is to “reframe” a hit. Erving Goffman describes “frames” (or “breaks”) as portions of a given situation. Often, norm violators will dissociate themselves from a frame. A prostitute, for instance, may remain absolutely detached, her mind miles away, when having sex with a client. Even surgeons partially dissociate themselves from their patients by having the patient completely covered except for the part to be operated on. This helps them to work in a more impersonal way. Pete, the hit man interviewed by Levi, goes through a process of reframing his hits. He reveals that afterward he can rarely recall a victim’s personal features. Also, he refers to his victims as “targets,” not people. Even at the time of contract, he specifically requests not to be told why the contract has been “let” because even though the motive might justify the hit, it would make the “target” more of a person. Homicide is one of society’s mores. Pete knows that, but he accommodates this potentially discrediting feature of his life by emphasizing the new norms he must obey. Therefore he considers himself “law-abiding,” even if the laws are not those of the larger society. Similarly, he approaches the hit as “just a job” and thus goes as far as he can in denying his norm violation. See Erving Goffman. Frame Analysis. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1974. See also Delos H. Kelly (ed.). Deviant Behavior (2nd ed.). New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1985, pp. 528–529, 692–703. 7-8: Prostitution, Primary, and Secondary Deviance Nanette Davis interviewed prostitutes in three correctional institutions to explore their transition to prostitution. Typically, she found that, as young teenagers, these women would exchange sex for a simple favor, such as money to buy clothes. During this stage (often in the early teens), they did not define what they did as “prostitution.” Following this initial stage (which Davis described as “drift”), the women entered a stage of transitional deviance in which they vacillated back and forth between wanting, and not wanting, to become a prostitute. They would often normalize their acts by relabeling them as simply “walking around” or “picking somebody up.” Finally, a few women entered into a stage of professionalization, in which they actually defended their decision to enter prostitution as normal, right, and good. Some of them even claimed that prostitution helped to lower rates of sexual assault against women. Use this information to help identify and discuss Lemert’s stages of primary and secondary deviance. (Note, also, that there is an additional stage of deviance known as “tertiary” in which deviant persons redefine their acts as virtuous). You may want to mention to students that there is an active group seeking to legalize prostitution in all fifty states. This group is known as COYOTE, Call off Your Old Tired Ethics. Have students discuss the arbitrariness and relativity of deviance, noting that prostitution is legal in a few of Nevada’s rural counties (as well as many European countries). See “Prostitution, Identity, Career, and Legal-Economic Enterprise.” In The Sociology of Sex: An Introductory Reader, James M. Henslin and Edward Sagarin, eds. New York: Schocken, 1978: 297–322. See also “Contingencies in Female Sexual Role Deviance: The Case of Prostitution.” Human Organization, 41, 4, Winter 1982: 345-350. See Sex for Sale: Should Prostitution Be Legal? (Films for the Humanities & Sciences, 1998, 15 minutes). CLASSROOM DISCUSSION TOPICS 7-1. Wallbangin—Graffiti and Gang in L.A.: Questions about this excerpt from anthropologist Susan Phillips’s book can include: How does the act of graffiti writing free the writers from constraints? How can graffiti indicate status for a gang member, much like a homeowner repainting his or her home? Compare gang graffiti to neighborhood watch signs located in a community. How is the function of both related? Why should gang graffiti be perceived differently than sport fans writing on sidewalks outside stadiums before the big game, or college fraternities and sororities marking territory during pledge week? and non-deviant? 7-2. Group Pressure: A guessing game with popcorn teaches students about group pressure and conformity. See Technique No. 23 in Edward L. Kain and Robin Neas (eds.), Innovative Techniques for Teaching Sociological Concepts. Washington, DC: American Sociological Association, 1993. 7-3. The Power of Authority: The instructor—as an authority figure—assigns a “pointless” writing assignment in class. Mass compliance with this request leads to a discussion of obedience. Fletcher Winston, “What If Milgram Controlled Student Grades?” Teaching Sociology 31 (April 2003): 221–226. 7-4. Field Trip to a Prison: Classroom discussion of criminal justice would be enhanced by a visit to a correctional facility, courtroom, or police station, followed by a question-and-answer session with agency representatives. 7-5. Conversing with Deviants: Make deviance more real for students by inviting “deviant” individuals as guests in the class. See Technique No. 11 in Edward L. Kain and Robin Neas (eds.). Innovative Techniques for Teaching Sociological Concepts. Washington, DC: American Sociological Association, 1993. 7-6. Deviance Is in the Eye of the Beholder: Assign students to write a brief report of some deviant behavior they have observed. Have them explain why they considered this behavior deviant. Stress to them that the behavior they observe does not have to be illegal, nor does it have to be considered deviant by our society. Prior to assigning this paper, make sure that students understand that what is considered deviant varies from time to time and from society to society. 7-7. Which Acts Are Deviant? An exercise in which students rank the severity of various acts of deviance, nicely illustrates the subjective nature of our perceptions of deviant acts. See Technique No. 13 in Edward L. Kain and Robin Neas (eds.). Innovative Techniques for Teaching Sociological Concepts. Washington, DC: American Sociological Association, 1993. 7-8. Positive Deviance: Students and instructors tend to focus on negative examples of deviance, such as murder, theft, and sexual dysfunctions. However, Angela Lewellyn Jones has students focus on positive deviance, such as saintly behavior, in a discussion that assists them in understanding the sociological meaning of “deviance.” See Angela L. Jones, “Random Acts of Kindness: A Teaching Tool for Positive Deviance,” Teaching Sociology 26 (July 1998): 179–189. 7-9. Public Opinion on Death Penalty: Discuss the death penalty as a form of social control. Also, debate whether or not the death penalty is killing; in other words, have students discuss capital punishment as a form of deviance from established norms (mores). See David W. Moore, “Americans Firmly Support Death Penalty,” Gallup Poll Monthly (June 1995): 23–25. 7-10. Violent Juveniles: Following a showing of Not Too Young To Die (listed under Audiovisual below), divide the class into small groups. Assign them to discuss what the “just” penalty is for a youth who commits homicide. Also, have them consider the issues of legal and psychological competency. At what age is a youth “responsible” for the crime he or she commits? What is the youngest age at which a juvenile should be tried in an adult court? 7-11. Ranking Crimes: See Technique No. 12 in Edward L. Kain and Robin Neas (eds.). Innovative Techniques for Teaching Sociological Concepts. Washington, DC: American Sociological Association, 1993. 7-12. Teaching about Sexual Assault: See Amanda Konradi, “Teaching about Sexual Assault: Problematic Silences and Solutions,” Teaching Sociology 21 (January 1993): 13–25. 7-13. Campus Crime Statistics: See Richard A. Wright, “Using Campus Crime Statistics in Classroom Discussions of Official Measures of Crime,” Teaching Sociology 25 (January 1997): 49–56. 7-14. Case Histories: In the exercise described in this article, instructors use a single case history to help discuss a number of deviance theories. Donald P. Levy and Beth Merenstein, “Working with Stories: An Active Learning Approach to Theories of Deviance,” Teaching Sociology 33 (January 2005): 66–73. 7-15. Using Humor: Joseph E. Faulkner has produced a monograph that includes funny examples that could be incorporated into lectures associated with Chapter 8. See Chapter 5 in Faulkner, Sociology Through Humor. New York: West, 1987. This book is out of print, but used copies are readily available. TOPICS FOR STUDENT RESEARCH AND CLASSROOM DISCUSSION 1. Ask students to research the use of medical treatments to treat criminality, such as shock therapies, chemical castrations, and lobotomies, and discuss the influence of biological and genetic factors in deviance and crime. Answer: Students should research medical treatments like shock therapy, chemical castration, and lobotomies used to address criminal behavior and discuss the role of biological and genetic factors in deviance. They should evaluate how these treatments reflect societal views on the causes of crime and their effectiveness. 2. Ask students to research the frequency of crime committed in certain subcultural groups within the United States, such as the Amish or Quakers, and discuss how socialization processes such as differential association may affect their incidence of deviance and crime. Answer: Students should investigate crime rates within specific subcultures, such as the Amish or Quakers, and discuss how differential association theory explains variations in deviance based on socialization processes within these groups. 3. Ask students to research “Gypsy” subculture groups living in the United States, and discuss how their crimes, which are typically aimed at Westerners, are related to their cultural beliefs. Answer: Research “Gypsy” subculture groups in the U.S. and discuss how their cultural beliefs may influence crimes aimed at Westerners. Analyze the relationship between cultural practices and criminal behavior. 4. Ask students to compare the number of laws directed toward people with no visible means of support compared to affluent people, and discuss any implications from the conflict perspective. Answer: Students should compare laws targeting people with no visible means of support to those affecting affluent individuals and discuss implications from the conflict perspective, focusing on how laws reflect and reinforce social inequalities. 5. Ask students to find a recent, well-known crime or criminal that has had a reasonable amount of coverage in the press. Have students look for clues in the media coverage for explanations used for the crime. Compare these to the theories presented in the text. Analyze whether the explanations presented in the popular press appear consistent with sociological theory. This assignment can be done in pairs or small groups with subsequent class discussion. Answer: Students should analyze recent, well-publicized crimes and the media’s explanations for them, comparing these to sociological theories of crime. Discuss whether media explanations align with or diverge from theoretical perspectives on deviance. 6. Ask students to locate credible research that suggests the death penalty is a general deterrent to murder, and discuss how socialization often perpetuates discriminatory views and myths about crime and deviance. Answer: Research the effectiveness of the death penalty as a deterrent to murder and discuss how socialization perpetuates discriminatory views and myths about crime and deviance, such as beliefs about its impact on crime rates. 7. Ask students to research the history of “blue laws” in the United States and to locate examples of such laws still in effect in their home state or in neighboring states. Answer: Students should research the history of “blue laws” in the U.S. and identify examples still in effect in their state or neighboring states, discussing their historical context and current relevance. SERVICE LEARNING ACTIVITY Reaction to an act is as important to the definition of deviance as the act itself. A question to consider is whether society has become more deviant or has the reporting of deviance become more prevalent since modern media has matured. Twenty four hour news programs and local news programs that air three times a day are now standard practice in the industry. Regardless, recidivism rates are high. What can be done to lower these rates? There are several projects that would help to serve the community. Listed below is one: Volunteer to tutor at the local juvenile detention center. Lack of education or interest in education can often times be an impetus for getting involved in crime. Help improve a young person’s aptitude and his/her attitude might change. Students can also volunteer to tutor at jails or other correctional facilities. There are a number of organizations listed locally that will welcome student support. Students who speak other languages are an additional asset to these organizations. CHAPTER 8 STRATIFICATION AND SOCIAL MOBILITY IN THE UNITED STATES CHAPTER SUMMARY The term social inequality describes a condition in which members of a society have different amounts of wealth, prestige, or power. When a system of social inequality is based on a hierarchy of groups, sociologists refer to it as stratification. This is a structured ranking of entire groups of people. To help understand stratification systems, one must discern between ascribed and achieved statuses. An ascribed status is a social position assigned to a person without regard for that person’s unique characteristics or talents. Race, gender, and ethnicity are examples of ascribed statuses. An achieved status is a social position attained by a person largely through his or her own efforts, such as becoming a corporate executive or graduating from college. The most extreme form of legalized social inequality is slavery. Castes are hereditary systems of social inequality. They are usually religiously dictated. Social mobility (or movement between economic levels) is severely restricted in a caste system. The estate system, also known as feudalism, was a stratification system in which peasants were required to work the land of a noble in exchange for military protection and other services. A class system is a social ranking based primarily on economic position. Some sociologists have suggested that only 1 to 2 percent of the people in the United States are in the upper class, whereas the lower class consists of approximately 20 to 25 percent of the population. The lower class is disproportionately composed of Blacks, Hispanics, and single mothers. Karl Marx viewed class differentiation as the crucial determinant of social, economic, and political inequality. Marx focused on the two classes that emerged as the estate system declined: the bourgeoisie and the proletariat. The bourgeoisie is the capitalist class that owns and controls the means of production, and the proletariat comprises working-class people who are exploited by the capitalist class. Unlike Marx, Max Weber insisted that no single characteristic totally defines a person’s social position. Weber identified three components of stratification: class, status, and power. Interactionists are interested in how class shapes a person’s lifestyle at the microlevel. Thorsten Veblen introduced the concept of conspicuous consumption to describe how the well-off convert some of their income into extravagant consumer goods. The functionalist view of stratification suggests that society must distribute its members among a variety of social positions or jobs. Social stratification is deemed necessary so that qualified people will be motivated to fill functionally important positions. Contemporary conflict theorists believe that human beings are prone to conflict over scarce resources such as wealth, status, and power. Conflict theorists argue that stratification will inevitably lead to instability and social change. By all measures, income in the United States is unevenly distributed. In 2005, the top 20 percent of the population received incomes of $91,705 or more, compared to the bottom 20 percent who received just $19,178 or less. The income gap between the richest and poorest groups in the United States is widening. Approximately one out of every nine people in the United States lives below the poverty line. Women and other minority groups are overrepresented in the lower income groups and underrepresented at the top. Absolute poverty refers to a minimum level of subsistence that no family should be expected to live below. Relative poverty is a floating standard of deprivation by which people at the bottom of a society are judged to be disadvantaged in comparison with the nation as a whole. Some sociologists have used the term underclass to describe long-term poor people who lack training and skills. Social mobility is the movement of individuals or groups from one position in a society’s stratification system to another. Theoretically, in an open system, the position of each person is influenced by his or her achieved status. In a closed system (such as a caste system), there is little or no possibility of individual social mobility. The belief in upward social mobility is an important aspect of U.S. society. Vertical mobility can be both upwards and downwards. Occupational mobility such as intergenerational or intragenerational has been common among White males. Education, gender, and race are important factors in shaping one’s chances for upward mobility. RESOURCE INTEGRATOR Focus Questions Resources 1. What are the major systems of stratification? IN THE TEXT Key Terms: social inequality, stratification, ascribed status, achieved status, slavery, castes, estate system, class system Boxes: Taking Sociology to Work: Jessica Houston Su: Research Assistant, Joblessness and Urban Poverty Research Program IN THE INSTRUCTOR’S MANUAL Additional Lecture Ideas: Status Inconsistency (8-1); Comparison of Perspectives on Stratification (8-2) Classroom Discussion Topics: The Working Poor: Invisible in America (8-1); Using Card Games to Explain Stratification (8-3); Teaching U.S. Inequality through Games (8-5); Poverty and Wealth (8-7); Income Levels (8-8); Introducing Social Class (8-9) Video Resources: Caste at Birth; Class Dismissed; Class Photo; On the Edge: America’s Working Poor; People Like Us; Pygmalion; Social Class; Social Stratification; To Be Old, Black, and Poor 2. How do functionalists, conflict theorists, and interactionists view stratification? IN THE TEXT Key Terms: capitalism, bourgeoisie, proletariat, class consciousness, false consciousness, class, status group, power IN THE INSTRUCTOR’S MANUAL Additional Lecture Ideas: Comparison of Perspectives on Stratification (8-2) Classroom Discussion Topics: The Working Poor: Invisible in America (8-1); Social Stratification—An Active Learning Technique (8-10); Stimulating Class Discussion about Social Inequality (8-11); Unequal Life Chances (8-13) Video Resources: Affirmative Action; Caste at Birth; Class Photo; On the Edge; People Like Us; Pygmalion; Social Class; Social Stratification; Stuck on Welfare; To Be Old, Black, and Poor REEL SOCIETY VIDEO Topic Index: Social Inequality 3. How is social class measured? IN THE TEXT Key Terms: objective method, prestige, esteem, socioeconomic status (SES) IN THE INSTRUCTOR’S MANUAL Additional Lecture Ideas: Measuring Social Class: Subjective and Reputational Methods (8-3) Classroom Discussion Topics: NORC Prestige Rankings (8-4); Income Levels (8-8); Social Stratification—An Active Learning Technique (8-10) Student Research and Assignments: Lorenz Curve; Wealth Inequality; Low Wage Workers; Role of Class Video Resources: Class Dismissed; People Like Us; Social Class 4. What are the issues and controversies surrounding the study of poverty? IN THE TEXT Key Terms: absolute poverty, relative poverty, feminization of poverty, underclass Boxes: Research Today: Precarious Work; IN THE INSTRUCTOR’S MANUAL Additional Lecture Ideas: Income Differences by Gender and Race (8-5); Is There a “Culture of Poverty?” (8-6) Classroom Discussion Topics: The Working Poor: Invisible in America (8-1); Estimating the Poverty Level for a Family (8-6); Poverty and Wealth (8-7); Homeless Women (8-12); Unequal Life Chances (8-13) Student Research and Assignments: Low-Wage Workers; Welfare Reform; Divorce and Social Mobility; Role of Class Video Resources: Class Photo; Fast Food Women; On The Edge; Stuck on Welfare; To Be Old, Black, and Poor REEL SOCIETY VIDEO Topic Index: Poverty 5. What are the key factors in social mobility? IN THE TEXT Key Terms: life chances, digital divide, social mobility, open system, closed system, horizontal mobility, vertical mobility, intergenerational mobility, intragenerational mobility Boxes: Sociology on Campus: Social Class and Financial Aid IN THE INSTRUCTOR’S MANUAL Additional Lecture Ideas: Is There a “Culture of Poverty?” (8-6) Classroom Discussion Topics: The Working Poor: Invisible in America (8-1); Homeless Women (8-12); Unequal Life Chances (8-13); Life Chances Simulation (8-14) Student Research and Assignments: Divorce and Social Mobility Video Resources: Class Photo; Fast Food Women; On the Edge; People Like Us REEL SOCIETY VIDEO Topic Index: Social Mobility LECTURE OUTLINE Introduction • Social inequality describes a condition in which members of a society have different amounts of wealth, prestige, or power. • Stratification is a structured ranking of entire groups of people. • Income refers to salaries and wages. • Wealth is an inclusive term encompassing all of a person’s material assets, including land, stocks, and other types of property. I. Understanding Stratification A. Systems of Stratification • Ascribed status is a social position assigned to a person by society without regard for that person’s unique talents or characteristics. • Achieved status is a social position attained by a person largely through his or her own efforts. 1. Slavery • Slavery is a system of enforced servitude in which enslaved individuals are owned by other people. • Slaves in Ancient Greece were captives of war or piracy, but their status was not necessarily permanent or passed on to the next generation. In the U.S., slavery was an ascribed status, and racial and legal barriers prevented their being freed. 2. Castes • A caste system is a hereditary system of rank usually religiously dictated. Example: There are four major castes, or varnas, in India. • Urbanization and technological advancement have brought more change to India’s caste system in the past two decades than the government was able to effect since formally outlawing the practice in 1950. 3. Estates • An estate system is also known as feudalism. • In the estate system, peasants worked land leased to them by nobles in exchange for military protection or other services. 4. Social Classes • Social class refers to a social ranking based primarily on economic position in which achieved status can affect or influence social mobility. • One can move from one stratum to another. • Income inequality is a basic characteristic of a class system. Example: Daniel Rossides’s five-class model of the class system in the U.S. • Social class is one of the variables most frequently considered by sociologists. B. Perspectives on Stratification • Karl Marx viewed class differentiation as the crucial determinant of social, economic, and political inequality. Max Weber was critical of Marx’s emphasis on economic factors, and argued that stratification had many dimensions. 1. Karl Marx’s View of Class Differentiation • Differential access to scarce resources shapes the relationship between groups. Controlling the primary mode of economic production is key. • Capitalism is an economic system in which the means of production are largely privately held; profit is the major incentive for economic activity. • Bourgeoisie—the capitalist class—owns the factories and machinery and controls most production. • Proletariat—the working class—whose members are exploited by the capitalist bourgeoisie. • Marx predicted the exploited proletariat would eventually revolt and destroy the capitalist system. First, they would need to develop class consciousness (a subjective awareness of their plight and of the need for collective action to effect change). Often, this meant overcoming false consciousness (an attitude held by members of a class that does not accurately reflect its objective position; often false consciousness involves an identification with the dominant class—one’s oppressor). • Marx failed to anticipate the emergence of labor unions and did not foresee individual workers striving for improvement within free societies offering substantial mobility. 2. Max Weber’s View of Stratification • Weber was a critic of Marx’s class model. He identified three distinct components of stratification: class, status, and power. • Weber argued that the actions of individuals and groups could not be understood solely in economic terms. • Ownership of property is not the only dimension along which persons may be stratified. • Prestige or status may accompany occupation or position, not necessarily income or wealth. Examples: Clergy hold prestigious positions but their “occupation” is not typically well paid. Artists are often admired by others even though, for the most part, they are not well off. • Individuals gain status through membership in a desirable group (status group). • Power is the ability to exercise one’s will over others. 3. Interactionist View • Interactionists want to understand how social class influences a person’s lifestyle. • Thorsten Veblen’s concepts of conspicuous consumption and conspicuous leisure can still be applied to the behavior of wealthy people today. C. Is Stratification Universal? • Inequality exists in all societies. 1. Functionalist View • A differential system of rewards and punishments is needed for society to operate efficiently. • Society must distribute its members among a variety of social positions (Davis and Moore). Positions are filled with people with the appropriate talents and abilities. The most important positions must be filled by the most capable persons. • Money and rewards are based on the scarcity of qualified personnel. • Stratification motivates people to fill critical positions. • Functionalists fail to explain the wide disparity between rich and poor. 2. Conflict View • Competition for scarce resources results in significant political, economic, and social inequality. • Contemporary conflict views include conflicts based on gender, race, age, and other dimensions. Example: See Ralf Dahrendorf’s work on authority. • Dominant ideology describes a set of cultural beliefs and practices that helps to maintain powerful social, economic, and political interests. • Stratification is a major source of societal tension and conflict, and will inevitably lead to instability and social change. 3. Lenski’s Viewpoint • Economic systems change as the level of technology becomes more complex. • The emergence of surplus resources expands the inequality in status, influence, and power. Allows for a well-defined rigid social class system. II. Stratification by Social Class A. Measuring Social Class 1. Objective Method • Researchers assign individuals to social classes on the basis of criteria such as occupation, education, income, and residence. • Prestige rankings of occupations are commonly used for class position. See Table 8-2. • Esteem refers to the reputation a person has earned within an occupation. • A person may have esteem but lack high levels of prestige. 2. Gender and Occupational Prestige • There has been a debate over how to judge or assess class or status for women in dual-career families. • There is a tradition of undercounting the unpaid labor performed mostly by women (largely in child care, housework, and agriculture) and its contribution to a family and the economy. Therefore, feminists argue that that virtually all measures of stratification need to be reformed. 3. Multiple Measures • Sociologists use the term socioeconomic status, or SES, when describing class based on income, education, and occupation. • Criteria such as value of homes, sources of income, assets, years in present occupation, neighborhoods, and dual careers have been added to income and education as objective determinants of class. B. Wealth and Income • Income in the United States is distributed unequally. See Figure 8-2. • Between 1984 and 2008, For the lowest 20 percent of the population, income rose 9 percent; gor the top 20 percent of the population, income rose a whopping 40 percent. • Tax policies favor the rich. • Census Bureau reports that income inequality rose substantially from 1967 through the end of the century. • Wealth in the U.S. is much more unevenly divided between rich and poor than income; the wealth of the top 1 percent exceeds the collective wealth of the bottom 90 percent. See Figure 8-3. C. Poverty • One out of every nine people in the U.S. lives below the poverty line. Example: In 2012, no fewer than 46.2 million people were living in poverty. • A contributing factor is the large number employed at minimum wage. In terms of real value, adjusted for inflation, the minimum wage has often failed to keep pace with the cost of living. See Figure 8-5. 1. Studying Poverty • Absolute poverty refers to a minimum level of subsistence that no family should be expected to live below. • Absolute poverty involves the inability to secure basic necessities such as food, shelter, and health care. • Poverty line serves as an official indicator of which people are poor. • In 2010, a family of four with a combined income of $22,113 or less fell below the poverty line • Relative poverty is a floating standard of deprivation by which people are judged to be disadvantaged when compared to the nation as a whole. • Even if today’s poor are better off in absolute terms than the poor of the 1930s or 1960s, they are still seen as deserving special assistance. 2. Who Are the Poor? • Many of the poor live in urban slums, but the majority live outside these poverty areas. • Since World War II, an increasing number of poor people have been women. • In 1959, female householders accounted for 26 percent of the nation’s poor; by 2010, that figure had risen to 51 percent See Table 8-4. • Households headed by single mothers are more likely to be living in poverty, as compared to married couples. • The feminization of poverty is not just a U.S. phenomenon, but a worldwide one. • William Julius Wilson describes the long-term poor as the underclass who lack training and skills. • In 2010, 42 percent of poor people in the United States were living in central cities. • Blacks and Latinos are more likely than Whites to be persistently poor. Both Latinos and Blacks are less likely than Whites to leave the welfare rolls as a result of welfare reform. • The overall composition of the poor changes continuously, as some move above the poverty line and others slip below it. African Americans and Latinos are more likely than Whites to be persistently poor. • African Americans and Hispanics are less likely than Whites to leave the welfare rolls. 3. Explaining Poverty • Using the functionalist analysis, Herbert Gans suggests that poverty serves a number of social, economic, and political functions. D. Life Chances • Max Weber saw class as related to life chances. Poor people spend more limited resources on the necessities of life. • In times of danger, the affluent and powerful have a better chance of surviving. • Class position affects people’s vulnerability to natural disasters. Example: Hurricane Katrina’s impact on the poor of New Orleans. • The digital divide refers to differential access to technology. Many poor are not linked to the Internet. III. Social Mobility • Refers to the movement of individuals or groups from one position of a society’s stratification system to another. A. Open versus Closed Stratification Systems • Open systems encourage competition and imply that a person’s position is influenced by achieved status. • Closed systems, such as slavery or caste systems, allow little or no possibility of moving up. Social placement is based on ascribed status. 1. Types of Social Mobility • Horizontal mobility refers to a person moving from one social position to another of the same rank. • Vertical mobility is the movement from one social position to another of different rank. This may be upward or downward. • Intergenerational mobility involves changes in social position relative to one’s parents. Example: College professor whose parents were farmers. • Intragenerational mobility involves social changes within one’s adult life. Example: Teacher’s aide becoming a superintendent. B. Social Mobility in the United States 1. Occupational Mobility • More common among males than females. Sixty to 70 percent of sons are employed in higher-ranked occupations than their fathers. • Most mobility covers a very short distance. 2. The Impact of Education • Education has a greater impact than family background (although, family background influences the likelihood that one will receive a higher education). • Three-fourths of college-educated men achieved some upward mobility. • B.A./B.S. degrees serve less as a guarantee of upward mobility than in the past, because more people have them. 3. The Impact of Race and Ethnicity • Black men with good jobs are less likely than White men to see their children attain the same status. • Black children are less likely to receive financial support from parents. • Downward mobility is significantly higher for Blacks than for Whites. • The typical Hispanic has less than 10 percent of the wealth that a White person has. Continuing immigration accounts for part of the disparity, as most new arrivals are very poor. 4. The Impact of Gender • Women are more likely to withdraw from the labor force if their job skills exceed the jobs offered them. • Large range of clerical occupations open to women offer modest salaries and little chance to advance. • Women find it harder to secure financing to start self-employment ventures than men do. • Women are unlikely to move into their father’s positions. IV. Social Policy and Stratification: Executive Compensation A. The Issue • Corporate executives earn huge salaries and bonuses even when their companies are losing money and employees are losing their jobs. B. The Setting • Although executive pay has always been high in the United States, in recent years it has grown dramatically. The corporate executives who head private companies now earn the highest incomes in the nation. In fact, the gap between their salaries and those of average workers has widened significantly over time. • Example: Over the period from 2000 to 2010, Barry Diller, CEO of Expedia, received a staggering $1.14 billion in compensation—despite the fact that the company’s shares lost 22 percent of their value. C. Sociological Insights • From a functionalist perspective, such generous compensation seems reasonable given the potential for gain that a talented executive brings to a corporation. • Conflict theorists question not only the relatively high levels of executive compensation, but also the process through which executives’ pay is determined. • Taking an almost interactionist approach, sociologist Thomas DiPrete and his colleagues have observed that today, corporations must report executives’ compensation relative to their peer group’s compensation—that is, to the compensation received by leaders of similar businesses of similar size. D. Policy Initiatives • Although policymakers have long been concerned about executive compensation, until recently hard data have been difficult to obtain. • Despite the economic downturn that began in 2008, CEOs’ salaries in the 500 largest corporations still rose 3 percent in 2009. In response, the White House appointed a Treasury Department official, whom reporters quickly dubbed the “pay czar,” to look into executive compensation. Opinions of the effectiveness of the “pay czar” during his short time in office have been mixed. KEY TERMS Absolute poverty A minimum level of subsistence below which no family should be expected to live. Achieved status A social position that a person attains largely through his or her own efforts. Ascribed status A social position that is assigned to a person by society without regard for the person’s unique talents or characteristics. Bourgeoisie Karl Marx’s term for the capitalist class, comprising the owners of the means of production. Capitalism An economic system in which the means of production are held largely in private hands and the main incentive for economic activity is the accumulation of profits. Caste A hereditary rank, usually religiously dictated, that tends to be fixed and immobile. Class A group of people who have a similar level of wealth and income. Class consciousness In Karl Marx’s view, a subjective awareness held by members of a class regarding their common vested interests and need for collective political action to bring about social change. Class system A social ranking based primarily on economic position in which achieved characteristics can influence social mobility. Closed system A social system in which there is little or no possibility of individual social mobility. Conspicuous consumption Purchasing goods not to survive but to flaunt one’s superior wealth and social standing. Dominant ideology A set of cultural beliefs and practices that help to maintain powerful social, economic, and political interests. Estate system A system of stratification under which peasants were required to work land leased to them by nobles in exchange for military protection and other services. Also known as feudalism. Esteem The reputation that a particular individual has earned within an occupation. False consciousness A term used by Karl Marx to describe an attitude held by members of a class that does not accurately reflect their objective position. Feminization of poverty A trend in which women constitute an increasing proportion of the poor people of the United States. Horizontal mobility The movement of an individual from one social position to another of the same rank. Income Salaries and wages. Intergenerational mobility Changes in the social position of children relative to their parents. Intragenerational mobility Changes in a person’s social position within his or her adult life. Life chances The opportunities people have to provide themselves with material goods, positive living conditions, and favorable life experiences. Objective method A technique for measuring social class that assigns individuals to classes on the basis of criteria such as occupation, education, income, and place of residence. Open system A social system in which the position of each individual is influenced by his or her achieved status. Power The ability to exercise one’s will over others. Precarious work Employment that is poorly paid, and from the worker’s perspective, insecure and unprotected. Prestige The respect and admiration that an occupation holds in a society. Proletariat Karl Marx’s term for the working class in a capitalist society. Relative poverty A floating standard of deprivation by which people at the bottom of a society, whatever their lifestyles, are judged to be disadvantaged in comparison with the nation as a whole. Slavery A system of enforced servitude in which some people are owned by other people. Social inequality A condition in which members of a society have different amounts of wealth, prestige, or power. Social mobility Movement of individuals or groups from one position of a society’s stratification system to another. Socioeconomic status (SES) a measure of social class that is based on income, education, and occupation. Status group People who have the same prestige or lifestyle, independent of their class positions. Stratification A structured ranking of entire groups of people that perpetuates unequal economic rewards and power in a society. Underclass The long-term poor people who lack training and skills. Vertical mobility The movement of a person from one social position to another of a different rank. Wealth An inclusive term encompassing all of a person’s material assets, including land, stocks, and other types of property. ADDITIONAL LECTURE IDEAS 8-1: Status Inconsistency—Janitors and Tenants Sociologist Ray Gold interviewed apartment building janitors in Chicago. Since these janitors are unionized, they have relatively good wages and are eligible for rent-free apartments. But like people in most occupations, janitors have an image, in this case, unfavorable. They are viewed by tenants and the public as ignorant, lazy, and dirty. In addition, it is assumed that anyone, even if he or she has failed at everything else, can be a janitor. These stereotypes are reinforced by the menial tasks performed by janitors (such as emptying the garbage), the dirty clothes they wear, and the fact that many of them are foreign-born. These stereotypes make the janitor’s job difficult, since social relationships with the tenants are important. While making efforts to establish good relations with the tenants, janitors are well aware that their jobs are held in low esteem. Even people who are viewed as “good tenants” maintain a social distance from janitors. The janitors in Gold’s study commented on the jealousy expressed by tenants whenever janitors tried to better themselves. A raise in pay, a new automobile, or new furnishings in the janitor’s apartment lead to unkind remarks and sarcasm. And live-in janitors are never able to get away from these attitudes, since the building is their home. Professional ethics are something we associate with lawyers and psychiatrists, but Gold found that janitors have them as well. They frequently know a tenant’s personal secrets, and they must learn proper procedures for easing gracefully out of delicate situations. Both the professional behavior and the substantial income of janitors contradict tenants’ views of them as servants. But this conceptual conflict remains unresolved: middle-class tenants depend on janitors but do not regard the job as a middle-class occupation. Workshops for janitors and custodians, often held on college campuses, are furthering the janitors’ image of themselves as professionals. Yet there is little indication that tenants’ image of janitors is also improving. See Ray Gold, “Janitors versus Tenants: A Status-Income Dilemma,” American Journal of Sociology 57 (March 1952): 486–493. 8-2: Comparison of Perspectives on Stratification QUESTION FUNCTIONALIST VIEW CONFLICT VIEW LENSKI’S VIEW Is stratification universal? Yes Yes Yes Is stratification necessary? Some level of stratification is necessary to ensure that key social positions are filled. But slavery and caste systems are unnecessary. Stratification is not necessary. In fact, it is a major source of societal tension and conflict. Although stratification has been present in all societies, its nature and extent vary enormously depending on level of economic development. What is the basis for stratification? Societal-held values. Ruling-class values. Both ruling-class and societal-held values. Will there be changes over time in a society’s level of stratification? The degree of stratification may change gradually. The degree of stratification must be reduced so that society will become more equitable. There will be evolutionary changes in the degree of stratification. 8-3: Measuring Social Class: Subjective and Reputational Methods In addition to the objective method of measuring social class, sociologists use two other techniques: the subjective method and the reputational method. The subjective method of measuring social class permits individuals to locate themselves within a system of social ranking. Class is viewed as a social rather than a statistical category. The subjective method assumes that people can identify their membership in a social class just as they would their race, gender, age, or other types of social differentiation. In a sense, this method measures the class consciousness discussed by Karl Marx. Although it is easy to use, the subjective method has several shortcomings. In defining their own social class, people may reveal their aspirations rather than their actual positions; that is, they may respond with a type of false consciousness. For example, many people say they are “middle-class” when in fact their earnings and savings are too low for this classification. In addition, there is a general tendency for Americans to call themselves “middle-class” or “working-class,” perhaps reflecting the importance of equality as a value in our society, and to avoid identifying with the elitist upper class or the disadvantaged lower class. National surveys show that an overwhelming majority of Americans define themselves as middle- or working-class. Thus, the subjective method may convey a false impression that there is little class differentiation in the United States. With the reputational method of measuring social class, class membership depends on the evaluation of selected observers. That is, you will be considered a member of a given social class if others see you that way. Like the subjective method, the reputational method views class as a social category. Sociologists using the reputational method call on a group of “judges,” who are familiar with a community and all its members, to rate the positions of various individuals within the stratification system. W. Lloyd Warner employed this technique in his detailed study of a community he called “Yankee City”; he determined a person’s social class by asking others how the person ranked within the community. (See Warner and Paul S. Lunt. The Status System of a Modern Community. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1942). Of course, the reputational method is limited to studies of small communities or small groups. Exercise: Instructors may want to ask students to engage in a subjective analysis of their own (or their parents’) social class standing. Have them reveal, to the extent that they are comfortable, what factors they take into consideration in their classifications (i.e., parents’ occupations, level of education, incomes, etc.). As a part of this exercise, have them describe the intergenerational mobility of their parents relative to their grandparents (or the intra-generational mobility of their parents over time). Finally, instructors may have their students employ the reputational method to analyze the class positions of students on their campus. Again, ask them to identify those things which they are using as indicators or “markers” of class position (link to concept, status symbols). Do students believe that some on campus are engaging in conspicuous consumption? 8-4: Understanding Income and Wealth Inequality: A Classroom Exercise Generally, we all recognize that there are very wealthy people and there are very poor people, but how does this recognition translate into everyday life and everyday decision making? The following exercise seems to help us appreciate the level of inequality in our society. Split the class into small groups of five to seven students each and ask them to arrive at a common answer to the question: “How much would you and a date or any couple spend on a nice date?” Usually someone will ask “How ‘nice’?” and the instructor may respond to this query with something like “A nice date means an event for which you have done some planning. It would not be just a spur-of-the-moment outing, but it would also not be a once-a-year type of occasion, like a formal dance, that would require new clothes.” Dividing the class seems to work effectively with even a hundred students. When the groups report back, average the various sums in the responses to get a class average. The result can be used to explore the levels of income inequality in the United States. In 2002, the highest fifth in terms of family money income accounted for 49.7 percent of all aggregate income, and the lowest fifth for 3.5 percent. How does this translate to a night out on the town? If the class average were $200 typically spent, that would create a pool of $1000 by fifths. If the classroom income mirrored society that would mean the top fifth would have 49.7 percent of $1000, or approximately $497 for just one night! The bottom fifth would have to settle on $35. Then ask half the student groups to consider themselves affluent and to describe what their date would be like and the other half to view themselves as relatively poor. The contrasts are immediate: some are going out to dinner and a movie with refreshments afterward while others will rent a video and pop popcorn. We can take this exercise one step further by exploring the greater inequality present in the United States in wealth. In 2001, the wealthiest fifth accounted for 84.5 percent of all wealth, while the poorest fifth were in debt for an amount equivalent to 0.70 percent of the nation’s wealth. While applying wealth distributions to dating spending patterns is not as close a fit as income data, the exercise certainly does show us what real inequality means. In the exercise above, the class figure of $1000 would now translate to $845 for the wealthiest fifth, and $7 for the lowest fifth. (Use a negative figure to account for the wealth debt of this quintile.) Now the “wealth groups” (usually I reverse the roles so that the previously poor are now wealthy) are enjoying fancy dinners followed by more extravagant club hopping. Obviously, the money buys more or less depending on your school’s locale. Meanwhile the impoverished groups are usually dumbfounded on how, as a couple, they can legally earn money for their date without borrowing money. We then talk about the scavenging done by thousands of Americans, which includes looking for aluminum cans and checking pay phones and vending machines for change left behind. Sources for data: Income data are updated annually in the Current Population Reports as well as other government publications. For the 2002 income data, see Income in the United States: 2002. Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 2003. Wealth data are estimated less frequently and tend to be reproduced in less accessible locations. The 2001 wealth data are cited in Chapter 9 of the text. 8-5: Income Differences by Gender and Race Recent reports of the Bureau of the Census include an analysis of 2001 income by race and sex, holding education constant. In the accompanying table, the first two data columns compare White and Black persons. The typical White person earns $26,922, compared with $21,098 for a Black American. At every educational level Whites out-earn African Americans. Indeed, Blacks with some college earn only $3,496 more than Whites with only a high school diploma. Note: Figures are median income. Income for males and females includes all persons over 25 years of age. Data for Whites are for White non-Hispanics. MEDIAN INCOME BY RACE AND SEX, HOLDING EDUCATION CONSTANT Race-2001 White Race-2001 Black Ratio Black to White Sex-2001 Male Workers Sex-2001 Female Workers Ratio Women to Men Total $26,922 $21,098 .78 $32,494 $18,548 .57 High School 1–3 years 4 years 12,726 21,652 10,563 18,935 .83 .87 16,965 28,342 9,636 15,664 .57 .55 College No degree BA degree or more 26,749 40,005 25,148 36,323 .95 .94 33,777 49,984 20,100 30,972 .60 .62 Source: U.S. Census Bureau, Educational Attainment in the United States: March 2002 (table 8), available online at http://www.census.gov/population/www/socdemo/education/ppl-169.html. 8-6: Is There a “Culture of Poverty?” Based upon research with Mexicans and Puerto Ricans, anthropologist Oscar Lewis identified what he called the “culture of poverty.” Lewis believed that there is a mutually reinforcing relationship between poverty and personal values. In other words, poverty has an effect on family life and outlook, causing individuals to feel defeated, depressed, and distrustful of legitimate institutions and authority figures. The strain of poverty may also lead some to engage in destructive behaviors such as substance abuse and/or domestic violence. Because of these negative coping mechanisms as well as the negative affect associated with chronic deprivation (or state of mind), the poor often remain poor, thus further reinforcing their negative outlook on life. The implication of Lewis’s “culture of poverty” is that the poor will continue to exhibit their deviant lifestyle—“living for today,” not planning for the future, having no enduring commitment to marriage, lacking a work ethic, and so forth—even when they move out of the slums. Lewis stressed the inevitability of living out the culture of poverty regardless of later events. See Oscar Lewis. Five Families. New York: Basic Books, 1959; Oscar Lewis. La Vida. New York: Random House, 1965. This argument has been widely employed to justify antipoverty programs designed to bring “middle-class virtues” to the children of the poor. It is also used to discourage giving poor people any control over programs aimed at assisting them. To say that Lewis and similar thinkers have touched off a controversy is an understatement. Critics argue that Lewis sought out exotic, pathological behavior. He ignored behavior indicating that even among the poor, most people live conventionally and strive to achieve goals similar to those of the middle class. For example, archeologists at the University of Arizona have monitored trends in food utilization by examining household refuse—an example of unobtrusive measures—and found that low-income households went further than middle class households in choosing less expensive items, and that they wasted even less. William Ryan contends that lack of money is the cause of poor people’s problems and of any discrepancies in behavior; not inherent disabilities, poor coping skills, or aftereffects of child-rearing practices. It is unfair, according to Ryan, to blame the poor for their lack of money, low educational levels, poor health, and low-paying jobs. See Ryan. Blaming the Victim (rev. ed.). New York: Random House, 1976. In the debate over a culture of poverty, policymakers neglect to make a distinction between culture and subculture. The poor in the United States do not make up a culture unto themselves; they are one segment of the larger American culture. The behavioral patterns of the poor that arise out of their low-income status may constitute a subculture, but poor people still share most of the larger society’s norms and values. Social planners must develop fresh initiatives that recognize these similarities and yet respect the distinctive qualities of the subculture. See Charles A. Valentine. Culture and Poverty: Critique and Counter-Proposals. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1968. (218) CLASSROOM DISCUSSION TOPICS 8-1. The Working Poor: Invisible in America: Questions for stimulating a classroom discussion about David K. Shipler’s book can include these: Why do you think that Shipler refers to the working poor as “the forgotten America”? How, if at all, should the government be obligated to help the working poor? Shipler notes the working poor “pay more fees and higher interest rates than more secure Americans.” To what is he referring? Shipler argues that Americans blame the poor for their own poverty. Do you agree? If so, is it justified? 8-2. Inequality in Taking Quizzes: For a technique that dramatizes barriers to desire and ability, see Laura Workman Ells, “So Inequality Is Fair? Demonstrating Structured Inequality in the Classroom,” Teaching Sociology 15 (January 1987): 73–75. 8-3. Using Card Games to Explain Stratification: See Mark Abrahamson, “Stratification, Mobility, and Playing Cards Metaphor,” Teaching Sociology 22 (April 1994): 183–188. 8-4. NORC Prestige Rankings: See Technique No. 65 in Edward L. Kain and Robin Neas (eds.). Innovative Techniques for Teaching Sociological Concepts. Washington, DC: American Sociological Association, 1993. 8-5. Teaching U.S. Inequality through Games: Several instructors have written of ways to turn Monopoly into “Sociopoly” as a means of teaching students about U.S. social inequality. See Catherine L. Coghlan and Denise W. Huggins, ““That’s Not Fair!: A Simulation Exercise in Social Stratification and Structural Inequality,” Teaching Sociology 32 (April 2004): 177-187; and Michael M. Jessup, “Sociopoly: Life on the Boardwalk,” Teaching Sociology 29 (January 2001): 102-109. 8-6. Estimating the Poverty Level for a Family: See Technique No. 36 in Edward L. Kain and Robin Neas (eds.). Innovative Techniques for Teaching Sociological Concepts. Washington, DC: American Sociological Association, 1993. 8-7. Poverty and Wealth: William C. Martin at Rice University has developed a clever demonstration: simultaneously showing two films, one about life in a Chicago tenement and the other about life in a middle-class suburb of St. Louis. See Technique No. 66 in Edward L. Kain and Robin Neas, (eds.). Innovative Techniques for Teaching Sociological Concepts. Washington, DC: American Sociological Association, 1993. 8-8. Income Levels: Obtain current data on the following: median family income and the Department of Labor’s cost of living for an urban family of four (subdivided into “austere,” “moderate,” and “some luxury”). If possible, compare these with the median income of the parents of all first-year students and with the income of families of students receiving financial aid assistance. (Most colleges compile these data.) 8-9. Introducing Social Class: The use of family (ethnic) names to show social class is useful. See Robert Thompson, “Introducing Social Class: An Update on a Teaching Technique,” Teaching Sociology 15 (January 1987): 76–79. 8-10. Social Stratification—An Active Learning Technique: This is an active, collaborative, field-based learning experience for teaching basic social stratification concepts. See Lucy McCammon, “Introducing Social Stratification and Inequality: An Active Learning Technique,” Teaching Sociology 27 (January 1999): 44–54. 8-11. Stimulating Class Discussion about Social Inequality: Ideas for activities illustrating social inequality could be adopted as is or adapted for particular student populations. See A.J. Hattery, “Sleeping in the Box, Thinking Outside the Box: Student Reflections on Innovative Pedagogical Tools for Teaching about and Promoting a Greater Understanding of Social Class Inequality among Undergraduates,” Teaching Sociology v. 31 no 4 (October 2003) p. 412-27 8-12. Homeless Women: For a series of first-person accounts by homeless women that will provoke thought and discussion, see Elliot Liebow. Tell Them Who I Am: The Lives of Homeless Women. New York: Penguin, 1993. 8-13. Unequal Life Chances—A Class Activity: On slips of paper, write down various racial or ethnic life scenarios. For example, one slip could read, “You are an African-American female who was born in the slums to a mother who is addicted to crack,” or “You are a White male—only child—who was born to two parents who are attorneys,” etc. Have students draw these scenarios out of a hat, and then write down how different they might expect their lives to be compared with what they actually are. This kind of activity leads into a nice discussion of how unequal life chances are in reality. 8-14. Life Chances Simulation: See Margaret A. Miller, “Life Chances Exercise,” Teaching Sociology 20 (October 1992): 316–320. TOPICS FOR STUDENT RESEARCH AND CLASSROOM DISCUSSION 1. Ask students to find examples of disparity or inequality between freshmen and senior level college students in the way each group is treated by college professors and students. Discuss caste and class systems to help explain some of the differences in perceptions. Answer: Students should identify disparities in treatment between freshmen and seniors by professors and peers, discussing how these differences reflect caste and class systems. Analyze how these systems shape perceptions and interactions based on student status and experience. 2. Ask students to examine historical events that illustrate Marx’s concept of false consciousness in which the working classes readily supported causes put forth by powerful groups in society. Discuss how a false consciousness may develop and lead to people giving their life for those of another class grouping. Answer: Examine historical examples where the working class supported elite causes, reflecting Marx’s concept of false consciousness. Discuss how false consciousness can arise and lead people to sacrifice for the interests of higher classes. 3. Ask students to search for evidence that supports the view that affluent persons tend to blame homeless people for being poor. Discuss the work of Herbert Gans to help explain the views of some persons toward homeless people. Answer: Research evidence showing that affluent individuals often blame the homeless for their poverty. Discuss Herbert Gans’s perspectives on how societal views on poverty are shaped by those in power to justify inequality. 4. Ask students to interview their parents, grandparents, and other adult relatives to ascertain how their occupations have changed during their working careers, and discuss the frequency and types of social mobility Answer: Interview relatives about changes in their occupations and discuss instances of social mobility, including upward, downward, and horizontal movement. Analyze how these changes reflect broader social and economic trends. 5. Ask students to find advertising or periodical articles that illustrate the influence of the powerful groups controlling opportunities for less influential persons. Answer: Find advertisements or articles that show how powerful groups influence opportunities for less influential individuals. Discuss how these influences affect access to resources and social mobility. 6. Ask students to discuss, realistically, their professional aspirations and how they will attain them. Ask them to predict their level of income during the first year after graduation, five years after, and then ten years after. Have them research starting salaries of persons in their chosen fields (in the local community). Finally, have them research the cost of living in their area. A related question is to have them discuss whether or not they expect to become sole, co-, or part-time providers (or to remain at home) for their households. Ask those who expect that they will not act as providers how they will maintain a household with only one income (if that is their expectation). Point out the difficulty (indeed, virtual impossibility) of maintaining home ownership even with a modest sized family (1 or 2 children) if only one income is present. Answer: Students should realistically assess their career goals and projected income at various stages, comparing starting salaries with local cost of living. Discuss how they plan to manage household finances, including the challenges of maintaining home ownership on a single income. SERVICE LEARNING ACTIVITY There are two emerging Americas, the haves and the have-nots. The plight of the poor continues to worsen, while the influence of the affluent continues to grow. The wage gap is getting wider. There is an increase in the number of working poor. In a country as prosperous as America, some citizens wonder why there are so many who are homeless and hopeless. Students should be given an opportunity to come face to face with the problem. This service learning activity will allow them to do so. Have students volunteer to serve at a shelter that feeds the homeless. They will see those who are often stereotyped and ridiculed. They will see that there are men, women, children, and even families that are in dire need. These facilities are not difficult to find. They welcome any assistance that they can get. Students can also sponsor clothing drives or blanket drives for shelters in their communities. Instructor Manual for Sociology in Modules Richard T. Schaefer 9780078026812, 9780071318419